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Set up and electrotyped. Published December, 1906. 


ON March 31, 1901, Prince Chlodwig of Hohenlohe-Schillings- 
ftirst, who had resigned the office of Imperial Chancellor in the 
previous autumn, kept his birthday at Colmar in the house of 
his son. After the birthday dinner he took the writer 
aside and surprised him with the question, "Will you help me 
to write my memoirs?" This led to a conversation in which 
the Prince expressed the desire to spend the rest of his life in 
arranging his papers and preparing them for publication. He 
proposed to send all his deeds and papers to Schillingsfiirst, and 
invited me to visit him there for some weeks during the summer. 
We were then to look over the materials to hand and to arrange 
the plan of the book. In the event of his death the Prince told 
me that his son, Prince Alexander, would take possession of all 
his papers, and that his relations with myself had been already 
arranged. Decision upon matters of detail was postponed for 
those further discussions which were reserved for our summer 
meeting but were never held. At the beginning of July 1901, 
the Prince again visited Colmar, but he was a dying man and the 
end came a few days later in Ragatz. Thus he was denied the 
pleasure of personally beginning the last piece of work with 
which he proposed to conclude a long and laborious life. Prince 
Alexander and myself thus remained under the obligation of 
fulfilling the last desires of the Prince so far as possible. It 
must be said that after the Prince's death his project could never 
be more than imperfectly completed. He had intended to 
refresh his memory by a re- examination of his papers, and thus to 
become his own biographer. After his death all that can be done 
is to publish the papers which he has left behind in accordance 
with his desire so far as publication seems advisable. 

From the year 1866 the Prince had been accustomed to keep 
a continuous record of his experiences and impressions, which 
he called his "Journal." The entries in this journal were com- 
pleted by abstracts and copies of reports and letters which the 
Prince had preserved as possessing some autobiographical value. 
Had he been permitted personally to undertake the work of 
editing his memoirs, he would probably have amalgamated the 
journal and these documents into a uniform narrative. This he 
could not do, and it was impossible for the editor to make any 
attempt of the kind. A biography always gives that picture 


of a character which the contemplation of its activities has 
evoked in the author's mind. Even had I considered myself com- 
petent to write such a biography of the Prince, the terms of my 
commission would have forbidden the attempt. The Prince 
asked me to help him to write his memoirs. For the accom- 
plishment of this task it was an essential condition that the 
editor's personality should be as far as possible suppressed. 
Hence the form of the book in which the desires of the Prince 
are as nearly fulfilled as was possible after his death. The 
reader will see no figure before him but that of the Prince, and 
will hear the Prince's words or read the documentary evidence 
of his actions. No addition has been made beyond the inser- 
tion of such matters of fact as are indispensable to the full under- 
standing of the material at my disposal. 

For the period before the beginning of the journal the Prince 
left behind him nothing more than isolated descriptions of travel 
with political reflections. A diary begun in Coblentz in the 
year 1842 contains only a few entries intended to supplement 
his memory, and is also incomplete for the period. These defi- 
ciencies were partially filled by his letters to his mother and 
sister, the Princess Amalie. Thus it was possible to provide 
a first-hand account of the Prince's early development, the frag- 
mentary character of which is compensated by the authenticity 
of the record. 

Valuable additions to the Prince's personal papers were pro- 
vided by communications from the widowed Princess Konstantin 
of Hohenlohe, nee Princess of Sayn-Wittgenstein-Berleburg, 
and from the Prince's surviving sister, Princess Elise of 
Salm-Horstmar. To the kindly interest of these noble ladies is 
due the fact that during those later periods, when the papers 
of the Prince were chiefly restricted to political affairs, it was pos- 
sible to give some account of his personal life and of his wider 
interests. This is especially true of the information concerning 
the last months of his life provided by the Princess of Salm- 

I must avail myself of this opportunity to express my thanks 
to his Royal Highness the Grand Duke of Baden for his gracious 
permission to print certain of his letters to the Prince, especially 
those which throw most valuable light upon the struggles and 
difficulties of the transition period from 1866 to 1870 and also 
form a fine memorial of that unbounded confidence which united 
the Grand Duke and the Bavarian statesman. 

My warmest thanks are due to my friend the Freiherr Julius 
v. Freyberg of Munich for information upon Bavarian affairs, 
and also to Professor Friedrich of Munich, whose kind informa- 
tion and provision of references greatly facilitated the editing 
of that part of the book which deals with the Vatican Council. 

STRASSBURG, July, 1906. 



YOUTH, 1819-1847 i 


THE YEARS 1850-1866 63 

I. PARIS AND RUSSIA, 1850-1866 66 

II. ROME, 1856-1857 73 

III. THE YEAR 1859 81 

IV. RUSSIA AND VIENNA, 1860-1861 91 


1861 99 


PRINCES, 1861-1863 107 


VIII. THE YEAR 1866 142 



PRINCE CHLODWIG HOHENLOHE IN 1846 .... Frontispiece 







PRINCE CHLODWIG of Hohenlohe-Schillingsfurst was born at 
Rothenburg on the Fulda, on March 31, 1819. His father, Franz 
Joseph, was born at Kupferzell on November 26, 1787. At the 
age of seven Prince Franz was sent with his brother Albert to a 
Franciscan institute in Parma, and his recollections of this educa- 
tional establishment were by no means agreeable. His education 
was completed at the Theresianum in Vienna, and he then en- 
tered a Hungarian hussar regiment. In 1804 he left the 
Hungarian for the Prussian service, and belonged for a year 
to a hussar regiment stationed at Ansbach. His commanding 
officer was Prince Solms, whose wife was the sister of Queen 
Louise, and afterwards became Queen Friederike of Hanover. 
When the Hohenlohe States were mediatised he left the ser- 
vice, and in the year 1807 his elder brother, Karl, the first of 
the Hohenlohe- Waldenburg line, gave him possession of the 
estate of Schillingsflirst with the consent of his collaterals. 
He became a hereditary legislator, and a "major" of Bavaria. 
He had abandoned the profession of arms much against his 
will, and solely out of affection for his mother; and as the 
estate of Schillingsfiirst was not greatly productive, and was, 
moreover, burdened with heavy liabilities, the business of 
its administration proved an ungrateful task. From his 
early youth he had been in love with Princess Konstanze of 
Hohenlohe-Langenburg, but want of means delayed his 
marriage for seven years. His two brothers-in-law were the 
Landgrave Victor Amadeus of Hesse-Rothenburg, whose second 
wife was Princess Elise of Hohenlohe-Langenburg, sister ot 
Princess Konstanze, and Count Moritz Fries, the husband of the 
Prince's sister, Princess Therese; they eventually removed the 
pecuniary obstacles to the Prince's marriage by the provision 
of an annual allowance. The marriage was celebrated on 
March 30, 1815, and the great happiness of his married life proved 
some compensation to the Prince for the abandonment of his 
military career. The young couple lived at first on the estate 
of Count Fries at Voslau, near Vienna, and then alternately at 
Schillingsfurst and Rothenburg. The Landgrave, indeed, who had 



no children, proposed to leave his allodial estates to the sons 
of his brother-in-law, and was anxious to share the responsibility 
of their education and the pleasure of watching their devel- 
opment. The journeys backwards and forwards between 
Schillingsfiirst and Rothenburg took the most conspicuous 
place among Prince Chlodwig's early recollections. 

The character of Prince Franz is thus described by his 
eldest daughter, the late Princess Theresa of Hohenlohe- 
Waldenburg: "His life was darkened by the abandonment 
of his military career. There was a strain of melancholy in 
his character, though he was a great wit and could be very 
merry on occasion. His kindness, courtesy, and amiability 
were infinite, and he was universally popular. History and 
politics interested him keenly, and he always said that he 
had a prophetic soul. He did, in fact, predict many events. 
It was with much reluctance that he left the peace of the home 
life in his beloved Schillingsfiirst to take his large family to 
Hesse for the annual visit which was rarely missed ; but his 
affection for his brothers obliged him to make this sacrifice to 
the pleasure of good Uncle Victor. He was not very fond of 
Corvey,* and when staying there was always longing to get 
back to South Germany." This sketch may be supplemented 
by the words of a longstanding member of his family, Frau 
Schneemann (nie Freiin von Etzdorff), the governess of Princess 
Therese. She writes with regard to Prince Franz: "The 
light and lodestar of his existence was his love for his wife. 
Her loftiness of soul, her strength of character, and the 
fidelity of her love are above all praise. 'My wife fully 
justifies her name (Konstanze, Constance)/ said the Prince, 
when praising the patient love and care with which she 
tended him in a long illness. He was not a profound student, 
but on many points his instinct proved more reliable than the 
judgment of many a scholar. History was his favourite study, 
and his criticisms were clear and impartial. Class prejudice 
he had none, and was ready to respect an honest and straight- 
forward worker, whatever his rank in life. The spirit of Josephine 
which had purified the upper classes in Austria as elsewhere, 
for a time at least, had made a beneficial impression upon him. 
In his best moments the richness of his humour was delightful. 
Family life was everything to him. Unable at that time to 
serve his country, he took care that his children should grow 
up in an atmosphere of parental love. He constantly spent 
the evening with them, and their mutual confidence was abso- 
lutely unrestrained. The Princess was an aristocrat, but her 
inexorable common sense saved her from the errors committed 
by others of her class. Kindliness and enlightened religious 
opinions gave a special character to the every action of 
husband and wife. They were, in the true sense of the word, a 

* See p. 6. 


noble prince and princess, and this because they were a noble 
man and woman." 

The sons were brought up as Roman Catholics, while the 
daughters were trained in the faith of their Protestant mother. 
Religious toleration was thus for them the foundation and the 
indispensable condition of domestic happiness, and the dominant 
motives which guided the political career of Prince Chlodwig 
were the natural outcome of his tender affection for his 
Protestant sisters. 

The boy received his first lessons with his brother Victor, 
afterwards Duke of Ratibor, who was bom on February 10, 
1818. The earliest account of their lives and lessons at this 
period is found in the following letter from their mother to a 
friend : 

ROTHENBURG, February 13, 1826. 

. . . Chlodwig is very amusing over his lessons, and the 
Chamberlain is always laughing at his drolleries. Both the 
boys are now having piano lessons. Father Ildephons gives them 
religious instruction, and is so extraordinarily kind and gentle 
that I am quite delighted with him. ... In the afternoon 
they had a large children's party, and acted proverbs with 
great zest; this is almost a Sunday institution. Among other 
proverbs they recently performed "Throw a sprat to catch 
a salmon." Chlodwig was the salmon and Philipp Ernst * the 
sprat; Otto Quessel threw the latter against Chlodwig with 
such violence that the unfortunate sprat tumbled down and 
roared loudly. A short time ago Chlodwig was asked in his 
geography lesson what the people were whose business it is 
to see that their subjects (Untertaneri) obey the laws; he 
replied: "The objects (Obert&nen)." Yesterday we had 
theatricals, that is to say, a kind of panorama, in which 
the battle of Leipzig was represented. The showman pointed 
to certain figures, and said that they represented the allied 
powers (Mdchte), whereupon Chlodwig observed: "But I don't 
see any girls (Magde)." A short time ago he was asked to give 
the half of 10, and replied: "o, because the two figures could 
be divided by a stroke, thus, i/o." 

The Coblentz diary | refers to the winter of 1830-1831 in 
Rothenburg in the following terms: "Broken health of body 
and mind; despondent imaginings." 

From 1832 to 1833 the three Princes, Victor, Chlodwig, and 
Philipp Ernst, were sent to the Ansbach Gymnasium. Chlodwig 
was attacked by scarlet fever in the summer of 1833, and in the 
autumn of that year the diary again refers to "sick ness." 

In October 1833 Victor and Chlodwig entered the Erfurt 
Gymnasium, and were placed in the Tertia (third form). "A 

* The third of the brothers, born on May 24, 1820. f See Preface. 


joyless and friendless life," is the diary reference to early days 
at Erfurt. 

In 1834 the Prince was promoted to the Secunda. In the 
autumn of this year the diary observes: " Arrival of the whole 
family at the new inheritance; everybody ill." The fact was 
that the Landgrave Victor Amadeus had died on November 12, 
1834, leaving to his nephews, the Princes Victor and Chlodwig, 
his allodial estates, the Duchy of Ratibor in Silesia, the Principality 
of Corvey in Westphalia, and the estate of Treflurt in the Govern- 
ment Department of Erfurt. Henceforward Corvey became the 
family home. 

The first of the Prince's letters which has been preserved 
belongs to the summer of 1835. & was written during a walk- 
ing tour through the Harz mountains, and is dated from the 
Brockenhaus, June 12, 1835. The letter describes the road through 
the "awful and romantic beauty of the Bodetal," and re- 
cords with much satisfaction certain botanical discoveries. On the 
Brocken he found trientalis Europaa and the "Brocken myrtle." 

The summer holidays were again spent by the family in 
Corvey, whence visits were exchanged with the Buckeburg Court. 
The Prince's social life during his school days is described in 
the following letter to his sister Amalie.* She was eighteen 
months younger than himself, and their confidence became ever 
closer as he grew towards man's estate. 

ERFURT, March 3, 1836. 

. . . Yesterday evening we were at the house of the district 
doctor, where we spent a very pleasant evening, though the 
company was not numerous. First charades were played, 
and then there was dancing to the piano. Herr Golde played. 
This evening we are going for an hour or two to the Casino 
ball; we cannot get out of it, as this is the second time we 
have been invited, and we did not go before. . . . 

Ketschau brought us a very fine song yesterday for bass 
voices, of his own composition; we are learning it now, and 
I am sure you will like it. Gustel'sf new piano is splendid, 
and Ketschau says it has a better tone than the piano at Corvey ; 
Gustel is always playing on it. I forgot to tell you that we 
had a very pleasant visit to Weimar a short time ago. A new 
opera by Auber was produced with immense splendour, the 
Ballnacht. I can say nothing about the music, for I sat 
next to the Grand Duke,J and he talked nearly all the time. 
The Weimar family are tremendously civil. They have asked 
us to a concert next Sunday, but of course we are not going. 
The Grand Duke also spoke of a State ball. 

* Born August 31, 1821. 

fThe Cardinal of later years; born February 26, 1823. He entered 
the Erfurt Gymnasium, as also did Prince Philipp Ernst. 
J Karl Friedrich (1828-1853). 


We have a great deal to tell one another, and I am eagerly 
looking forward to the Easter holidays. Give my love and 
kind remembrances to everybody, 

Ever your loving 


In the autumn of 1836 the diary notes : " Fears of the approach- 
ing abiturient (leaving certificate) examination. Solitary rides." 

At the request of Prince Franz Joseph the Minister Alten- 
stein issued a decree on April 28, 1837, admitting the Princes 
Victor and Chlodwig under exceptional circumstances to the 
abiturient examination, though they had been in the Prima for 
little more than a year. Chlodwig announces his success in the 
examination to his sister in the following letter : 

ERFURT, June i, 1837. 

To-day I write my last letter from Erfurt; perhaps we 
shall arrive before it. The examination took place this morning, 
and the business actually lasted from eight to one o'clock. 
Naturally we are glad to see the end of it, partly because one 
is always glad to have an examination over, partly because 
we are delighted at the prospect of coming home. We have 
not yet received our certificates. At the end of the affair, 
the Landrat Turk (presiding examiner) told us that we had 
passed without difficulty. So we are now free from anxiety, 
though we shall be even more so at Corvey with you than here. 
Packing is going on vigorously, and there is plenty of "row," 
as they call it. We have a heap of visits to pay to-morrow. 
After all, there is always something sad in leaving people with 
whom one has spent three years. But hope overcomes the 
unpleasantness of the moment, the hope of seeing you all 
again. . . . 

The formal leave-taking of the Prince took place on June 3. 
In his farewell speech, the Direktor (headmaster) Strass said : 
"One of the triumphs of the age and of its learning is to 
be seen in the fact that young German Princes are not content 
to rely upon the achievements of their great ancestors, but 
are desirous of proving their own value by showing themselves 
worthy sons of those progenitors; thus they make it impossible 
for envy and malice to deny them that recognition which is 
now more than ever their due. By entering into that open 
field of competition where a man can secure respect only by 
his actions and his character, they have put to shame purse- 
proud indolence, complacent emptiness, and presumptuous igno- 
rance, the forwardness of the boor and the underhand intrigues 
of the hypocrite, while they have also secured a higher place 
in the ranks of their equals." 

Prince Chlodwig's certificate praises his high moral character, 


his talents and his industry. "Ever distinguished by moral 
earnestness and good behaviour, honourably desirous to be blame- 
less in every respect, and to succeed by his own efforts, the Prince 
invariably secured the sincere respect of his companions, and 
the warm affection of all his masters. His excellent abilities 
were stimulated and developed at an early date, and found 
congenial employment in the various branches of learning. 
His attention and eager interest in every subject of instruction 
was a marked feature, and was evidenced by his indefatigable 
industry both in school- work and private study." As regards 
the attainments of the Prince in the various subjects of the 
curriculum, special emphasis was laid upon his German, and 
his "power of grasping the essential points of a subject, and 
of arranging them in logical order." "He writes," the document 
continues, "correctly and fluently, and his poetical essays show 
much life and imagination." 

On June 23 the Prince matriculated at Gottingen, and 
attended Miihlenbruch's lectures on the Institutes during 
that summer. In September he made a tour from Corvey 
through Driburg to Paderborn, Iserlohn, Barmen and Elberfeld, 
Cologne, Bonn and Neuwied. The diary of this tour has been 
preserved, and contains lively and vivid descriptions which show 
that the young traveller was possessed of a keenly inquiring mind. 
During the winter of 1837-38 the Prince attended Miihlenbruch's 
lectures on the Pandects, "without understanding them," 
as the diary observes. He also attended Herbart's lectures 
on logic and on elementary philosophy. 

The only record in the diary of the Easter vacation at 
Corvey runs: "Sentimental. Beautiful April. Read Werther." 

During the summer semester of 1838 the Prince studied 
at Bonn. The diary refers to his social companions among 
his contemporaries ; these were the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg- 
Strelitz, the Princes of Schaumburg-Lippe and Lowenstein, 
the future Duke Ernst II. of Saxony, and his brother, Prince 
Albert, afterwards consort of Queen Victoria. 

Information about social life in Bonn is provided by a letter 
to Princess Amalie: 

BONN, July 20, 1838. 

, . . Our mode of life here is almost equally divided by 
study and amusement. I had begun a letter to you, but my 
visit to Buckeburg prevented its completion. We were invited 
to Godesberg, where a splendid dinner awaited us. The Prince 
was very kind and the Princess also, though the latter seemed to 
keep a sharper eye upon us than before: perhaps she did not 
quite trust us, or she was looking to see which of the eight Princes 
would be most suitable for her daughters. I was not so for- 
tunate as to have much of her conversation, as I was not often 
placed next to her. In the evening we went up to the Godesberg 
ruins, and an old Count Beust, to the general amusement, talked 


Count Erbach over a vineyard wall. Both were so absorbed in 
their conversation that they did not notice the proximity of the 
precipice until Erbach found himself at the bottom of it. Of 
course, he was not hurt. The next day there was a professors' 
dinner at the Prince's house, at which we were not present. In 
the afternoon we made an excursion with the Prince's family 
to the Rosenburg and Kreuzberg, and took tea in Godesberg. 
Then there was a general leave-taking. The Princess Mathilde * 
looks very well. 

On Monday the Duke of Coburg f is returning here from 
England. . . . You will see that life here is by no means 
monotonous. We are sowing seed for the future, which should 
bring forth valuable fruit. 

Our swimming lessons from one to three o'clock every day 
are extremely pleasant. We are a cheerful and noisy company - 
the Hereditary Prince, the Prince of Coburg, the Prince of Lowen- 
stein, Erbach, and myself. We have had a boat built to suit 
us, which bears our several flags and in which we row ourselves. 

At the beginning of the vacation of 1838 the Prince made a tour 
in Switzerland with his brothers Victor and Philipp Ernst. The 
tourists travelled up the Rhine to Mannheim and Leopoldshofen. 
There they left the steamer and passed through Karlsruhe, Baden, 
Freiburg, and the Hollental to Schaffhausen, Zurich, and Zug, 
over the Rigi to Lucerne, Langnau, and Bern, and finally through 
Lausanne to Geneva, where they stayed at the Hotel des Bergues. 
After an excursion to Chamonix, they settled in Plongeon, near 
Geneva, to pursue the study of French. Their stay does not seem 
to have been devoted exclusively to educational purposes, for 
the diary reports: "Follies, fine evenings, recollections! Philipp 
Ernst and myself thoughtful under the chestnut-trees. Miss 

In November the Princes moved to Lausanne; the diary 
refers to their stay as "sad days," perhaps with reference to the 
greater cheerfulness of life at Plongeon. A letter from the Prince 
to his sister, under date December 18, is written in French and 
gives proof of the industry and zeal with which the writer pursued 
his studies. Vaudois society received the German Princes with 
much kindness, and in this connection we hear of M. de Blonay, 
Mesdemoiselles de Seigneur, and Madame de Gingins ; also of the 
Baron de Chavette, whose wife was a daughter of the Due de 
Berry. The Prince attended lectures in the Academy, and was 
constantly present at the sessions of the Vaudois Assembly. 
About noon he usually "walked alone and gave audience to 
his own thoughts, which turned chiefly upon recollections of 
the past, plans for the future, and soi-disant philosophical, or 
possibly misanthropical and philanthropical, speculations." A 

* Afterwards Duchess of Wurtemberg (1818-1891). 
t Ernst I. (1784-1844). 


society was formed by seven young men in the pension, and in- 
cluded the three Princes, two Kantakuzeni, a Dutchman, and 
a Swiss; the society possessed a president, vice-president, and 
secretary, and discussed political questions in French. "We 
generally discuss politics," he writes to Princess Amalie on 
January 15, 1839. "Discussion sometimes grows so fierce that 
the members turn white, green, and red. We defend our position 
and they theirs, from their liberal standpoint. Afterwards our 
former relations are resumed, and every one adheres to his own 
opinion. We have constantly attended the sessions of the 
Grand Conseil du Canton de Vaud the Legislative Assembly. 
The arguments are often terrible stuff bad logic as well as bad 
politics. The local peasantry have a certain veneer of education, 
which is really worse than none. Their culture is only on the 
surface. But the fellows plume themselves upon their wisdom, 
boast of their fine republic, and so forth. I never felt so strong 
an aristocrat and monarchist as in this republic. I hate the 
Radicals more than ever, now that I have been behind the scenes 
and learned the nature of their egotistical projects. However, 
one must give many of the members their due for instance, 
Professor Monnard, whose name you may have seen in the 
newspapers. People cry out against him as a radical, but he is 
nothing more than a simple republican, and in a republic he could 
hardly be anything else. He is a very noble and high-minded 
character, and the best speaker in the Grand Conseil. It is very 
interesting to see the working of this constitution, which is quite 
new to us. 

You cannot imagine the pleasure of talking French in 
society. Now that I have attained some fluency, I become 
more and more convinced that French is the one language for 
conversation. One can talk the whole evening without saying 
anything. Several Frenchmen are here just now whose con- 
versation is full of interest at times for instance, the well- 
known Carlist, Chavette, a very nice fellow." 

The Princes made a tour in Italy from March 5 to April 29, 
and went as far as Naples. In Rome they met Prince Albert of 

In May 1839 a move was made to the University of Heidel- 
berg. Among his fellow students the Prince's diary names the 
Prince Karl Egon of Furstenberg (born March 4, 1820), Count 
Erbach-Erbach (born November 27, 1818), and the Marshals of 
Baden, Dusch and Sternberg. The Prince's letters to his sister 
testify to his great industry. Every morning he worked from 
five to ten o'clock; lectures* then began, and only the evenings 
were reserved for recreation. 

*In the summer of 1839 the Prince attended lectures upon feudal 
law, general European International law, general and German constitutional 
law by Zacharia, upon criminal law by Zopfl, upon psychology and Goethe's 
Faust by Reichlin-Meldegg ; in the winter of 1839-40 he followed 
courses on German constitutional law by Morstadt, on Catholic and 


HEIDELBERG, June 30, 1839. 

. . . Lectures are a magnificent spectacle during the hot 
weather, as it is the custom here for students to take off their 
coats. A very disgusting custom, too, as the original whiteness 
of their shirt-sleeves is a matter of conjecture, from which fact 
other inferences may be made. 

I am working hard now, and go out very little ; I sometimes 
get a ride in the evening with Furstenberg and Erbach, or a walk 
with Sternberg and a certain Herr Uhde of Dresden. The last 
named, a friend of Steinberg's, is very pleasant and intelligent. 
I prefer these walks to any other form of excursion, and certainly 
to the long rides with a large number of friends, on which Erbach 
is very keen; on these occasions he generally insists on riding 
through the streets five abreast. 

To his MOTHER. 

HEIDELBERG, August 5, 1839. 

. . . Prince Wilhelm of Prussia (the King's son) was ex- 
pected in Heidelberg in the afternoon, but did not arrive until 
eleven o'clock at night. We could not possibly call upon him 
then. To-day we learned that he was staying until half-past 
eleven, so we (Victor and I) paid our call to-day. He received us 
very kindly, asked how long our studies were to continue, &c. 
. . . He seemed to be pleased by our inquiries after his health, 
which is said to have been very indifferent. As we went away 
he shook hands, and hoped we would work hard that we might 
be better fitted for the duties of life. This wish has reassured me 
considerably with regard to my plans for the future, as he must have 
assumed that I should enter the Civil Service, because he wished 
me success in my legal studies (I had previously mentioned that 
I was thus occupied). Moreover, we may also infer that he is 
not surprised at our long absence from Berlin. It is assumed 
that we are to learn something, before we present ourselves at 
Court. All this is mere conjecture, but so much and more may 
be inferred from the tone and course of the conversation. 

The vacation* was spent amid the pleasures of family life at 

Protestant ecclesiastical law by Zacharia, on the history of the German 
States and constitutions by Zopfl, and on the philosophical systems of 
Kant, Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel by Reichlin-Meldegg. 

*"It was very pleasant," writes the Prince's surviving sister, the 
Princess of Salm-Horstmar, "when the brothers came home for the 
vacations from the University and brought some life into the great Castle 
of Corvey. My sister Amalie would sit at the piano in the splendid large 
room and accompany my brother Chlodwig, who had a fine baritone voice, 
or would sing duets with him. I was then a small child, and looked 
with admiration upon my brother and sister. My sister would also 
accompany herself upon the harp. My other brothers were fond of 
drawing, especially Philipp Ernst, whose life was to be so short," 


The studies at Heidelberg were then resumed and continued 
over Christmas without interruption. "A quiet Christmas," 
says the diary. On Christmas Day the Prince writes to his 
sister : 

"lam now reading Muller's letters to Bonstetten. Nothing 
so inspires the ordinary man as to see how great men, the glorious 
phenomena of the intellectual world, rose by their own efforts, 
though also with the help of 'genius,' to a height which we poor 
sublunary mortals can only admire. I have bought a Lathi copy 
of Thomas a Kempis. It is a revelation hi the original: a fine 
strong language the spirit of which does not lend itself to a Ger- 
man translation. And the meaning can only be grasped in its 
entirety in the original." 

HEIDELBERG, January 25, 1840. 

Our life is at present diversified by many distractions in the 
form of evening entertainments, which contribute little to the 
study of jurisprudence, little to the study of people not worth 
studying, and nothing at all to our personal pleasure. However, 
I must not do any one an injustice. A few days ago Philipp 
Ernst and myself had a very pleasant time at Count Rantzau's 
house. He has a small reading circle where parts are distributed 
and tragedies read. The Merchant of Venice was read when we 
were there. We both took parts, and on the whole amusement 
is not lacking. 

We are delighted with the kind letter which Prince Albert 
sent in reply to our congratulations.* It was a really kind and 
sympathetic letter. I am looking forward to a ball which the 
Grand Duke f is soon to give at Mannheim. One of my fancies is 
a growing preference for the society of large towns as against that 
of small, though the results in either case are the same. The 
evening parties sometimes given by Count Rantzau are, in the 
first place, entertaining; and further, instead of the odious gossip 
and the medisances of scandal-mongers male and female, one can 
indulge in sensible conversation and avoid that horreur des 
horreurs, the affectations of a provincial tea-party. I know that 
il faut savoir s'ennuyer avec grace! Bien! mais je riai pas le 
temps de m'ennuyer. On the other hand, I must admit that 
one ought not to despise tiresome parties so absolutely. In 
every company of people there is an element of interest which 
ought to be discovered and stimulated. The man who is bored 
usually has only himself to blame, and he ought to determine 
not to be bored. For instance, a short time ago I took a young 
Polish countess in to supper. She was said to be a poor conver- 
sationalist, and generally has nothing to say. My lucky star 
led me to begin upon a topic which proved surprisingly successful 
and attracted the general attention to the liveliness and the 

* On his betrothal to Queen Victoria. 
t The Grand Duke Leopold of Baden. 


excellent French of this usually silent lady. So I say that a 
man who is bored has only himself to blame. In the case of 
unintellectual people who cannot express themselves one must be 
content to study their character and to compare their stupidity 
with one's own a process which in my case has often led to 
pleasant and often to sad results; in other words, one must be 
contented to remain a psychologist, an investigator of mental 
powers. Only thus can one retain one's own character in the 
presence of a scoundrel, one's small intellectual powers before a 
fool, and one's cheerfulness before a grave-digger. 

In a letter of February 13, 1840, the Prince speaks of the 
pleasures of music, and concludes with the words, "without 
music man is but half complete." 

Speaking of foolish and uninteresting society, he says: "It 
has happened to me to stand by a lady with such a lack of interest 
in her that I was able to run over the whole of my revision-lecture 
for the next day." The Prince also felt strongly about the "anti- 
pietist" movement which arose in Heidelberg. "The greatest 
philosophers," he writes, "have been led back to the fundamental 
truths of Christianity in the course of their investigations, and 
have been astounded by the magnificence of these truths; yet 
insignificant creatures, unworthy to loose their philosophical shoe- 
strings, would cast off the faith and the principles of true piety." 

At the beginning of March 1840, the Prince was present at the 
carnival of Mannheim. Thence he writes on March 2 : " Yester- 
day there was a really magnificent pageant here; a hunting 
procession in costume from the earliest times of German history 
to the present day. Splendid dresses, beautiful horses, a hundred 
chief figures and many attendants. The local gentlemen, officers 
and others, organised the undertaking at much expense and with 
great historical accuracy." 

The Easter holidays were spent at Corvey, and University 
work was resumed in the spring of 1840.* The Prince's letters to 
his sister are full of his delight with the situation of the new house 
on the Neckar. 

"The University has not as yet entirely assembled," he 
writes on May 9, 1840. "Mittermaier and Rau, two of our 
best professors, are still at the Landtag, which I have so 
often and so comprehensively anathematised. I am at some 
pains to avoid the use of even stronger language in description 
of this idiotic assembly. These chattering institutions have 
never made me so angry as now, when we are suffering under 
them ourselves. If I ever get an opportunity of venting my 
indignation upon them and their like, I shall seize it." 

* During the summer semester of 1840 the Prince attended lectures 
on Roman civil law and procedure and on the Roman testamentary law 
by Deurer, on civil procedure by Mittermaier, on natural law by Roder, 
on political economy by Rau, and, finally, special lectures by Zopfl on 
German constitutional law and civil procedure. 


In September of the same year the Prince was invited to 
Windsor by Prince Albert, whose marriage with Queen Victoria 
had been celebrated on February 10. The Prince was in England 
from September 20 to 24, but, unfortunately, the only records of 
this visit are the names of persons and places of interest. The 
rest of the autumn vacation was spent at Corvey, but was inter- 
rupted by a journey to Berlin for the act of homage on October 15 
and to Silesia. Then followed " cheerful wedding-days," when 
his eldest sister, Therese (born April 19, 1816), was married to 
Prince Friedrich Karl of Hohenlohe- Waldenburg ; the ceremony 
took place at Langenburg on November 26, 1840. Shortly after- 
wards Prince Franz Joseph fell seriously ill, though this did not 
prevent the Prince from concluding his studies. Bonn was chosen 
for his preparation for the examination. " The whiter months 
here are very quiet and sad," says the diary. 

On January 14, 1841, the Prince Franz Joseph died. "A sad 
journey to Corvey. Return to Bonn," says the diary. The 
preparation for the examination admitting to the legal pro- 
fession (Auskultator) was now completed, and the Prince sat 
for his examination on April 3 in Coblentz. According to the 
certificate dated April 10 he displayed "unusual knowledge and 
capacity." When the examination was over the Prince employed 
his leisure in visiting his relations. The diary observes : " Pleasant 
journey to Castell by way of Meiningen, Langenburg, Kupferzell, 
and Wickersheim. Wonderful May weather. Cheerful recol- 
lections of a joyous union." A page of the diary informs us of 
his state of mind. 

KUPFERZELL, May 6, 1841. 

Why, among the many hearts that can feel, should it not be 
possible to find one capable of understanding us because it tenderly 
loves us? How true it is that the differences between people 
largely consist in their varying possession of that most indi- 
vidual characteristic, the power of feeling. Education, environ- 
ment, difference of inclination and talent necessarily imply a 
different point of view in any two individuals. But is the power 
of "understanding" a person I use the term in its consolatory 
sense merely the product of these influences ? Surely the true 
consolatory " understanding " consists rather in the appreciation 
of another person's ideas, of new points of view, in receptivity to 
another's sorrows, and in all other impressions of the kind, in 
an ever-intensified harmony of two kindred souls. Is any other 
theory desirable or possible, and is this one impossible? At 
any rate I do not abandon hope ! 

After their father's death the brothers had agreed that the 
third of them should be Prince in Schillingsfurst as the two elder 
were provided with the Rothenburg inheritance, Victor in Ratibor 
and Chlodwig in Corvey. In June 1841 the Prince travelled to 


Silesia to visit his elder brother, who had gone into residence at 
the Castle of Rauden, near Ratibor, on November 3, 1840. A 
further object of this journey was to enter into relations with the 
leading personalities of the Prussian Ministry with the intention 
of securing admission to the Prussian Diplomatic Service. The 
Prince resolved to prefer a request to the King that he might 
be excused the necessity of performing the prescribed preliminary 
service under the judicial and administrative authorities a 
regulation which the high nobility regarded as somewhat deroga- 
tory. On September 21, 1841, he wrote to his mother from 
Rauden: ". . . Our journey to Breslau went off very well. I 
had an interview with Count Stolberg, who was very kind and 
encouraging. We have been received in the kindest manner by 
the high society of Breslau, especially by the Prince of Prussia, 
and on this Count Styrum observed: 'On volt que le roi vous 
veut du Hen. a votre place fen pr o filer ais '; and turning to 
Victor he said: '// n'y a pas d'autre moyen d'en profiler, Mon- 
seigneur, que d'entrer au service militaire? But this Victor can- 
not do. . . ." 

In pursuit of his intentions Prince Chlodwig spent the autumn 
in Berlin. "Fine promises," observes the diary. At the end 
of the autumn he went to Corvey to await the decision. It was, 
however, long delayed. In his impatience he began to consider 
the advisability of renouncing his hopes of a Government post 
and of living in Corvey as an independent nobleman. But the 
passion for politics was rooted in him, and was far too strong to 
permit the permanent abandonment of his original intention. 
Thus he writes to his mother from Corvey on November 23, 1841 : 
"My stay here has shown me more clearly the impossibility of 
settling here definitely, which in its way is no bad thing. I am 
now setting forth homeless through the world, and must zealously 
pursue some prospect of entering a profession, and in this quest 
homelessness is the best condition to be in. ... If I could only 
be certain of my future and settle my plans for the winter ! If I 
cannot enter the Diplomatic Service I shall try to enter the Eng- 
lish military service and then join the Chinese expedition. But 
this plan is as yet quite vague." 

CORVEY, December 19, 1841. 

... I have just received a letter from Lowenstein which 
has decided me to start for Berlin at once. I think Stolberg 
cannot have given my letter to the King. However, that 
does not matter now; I shall stay the winter in Berlin and 
settle down there. If I meet with a refusal I shall wait till spring 
and see what else there is to do. 

From Berlin he wrote to his mother on January 3, 1842 : "I 
have your dear letter of the 2ist, and thank you most heartily for 
your wishes and hopes. I will gather my forces for an advance 


upon the object which I have set before me. Nobody can 
advise an individual upon his future life ; I have had far too much 
advice already, both about the end and the means, and for 
this reason I have often been led astray, but I think I pretty 
well understand my position at present. I am beginning to 
work and to see and hear a lot. I go about a great deal, and 
I have very pleasant society in the Furstenbergs, Lowenstein, 
and other very nice people." 

January 17, 1842. 

Unfortunately, I have no very good news for you to-day. I 
have an answer from the King in the negative. It runs as 
follows : 

YOUR HIGHNESS, I have requested a report from the 
Ministry of Foreign Affairs upon your Highness' s wish, 
communicated to me on October 19, respecting your admission 
to the examination for the Diplomatic Service without under- 
going the preliminary training in judicial and administrative 
practice hitherto obligatory. In view of the report I hesitate 
to comply with your request, and my decision is determined 
not only by the general considerations upon the present con- 
ditions of the service examination which the report brings to 
my notice, but chiefly by personal regard for the interests 
of your Highness. You cannot fail to see, as I see, that to 
grant the preference which your Highness desires would be to 
place you in a position of some inferiority to those with whom 
the Diplomatic Service would bring you into association. 
In consequence, it will be a pleasure to me if your Highness 
will pursue your desire of beginning a diplomatic career in 
our service, by first complying with the general regulations 
existing upon this head. 

Your Highness's affectionate friend, 

BERLIN, January 14, 1842. 

Thus the matter now stands. You may well imagine that my 
state of mind is by no means cheerful. 

The Prince, however, overcame the prejudice of the media- 
tised against the obligatory training in the Prussian Civil 
Service, and agreed to follow the course which the King had 
indicated. On April 6, 1842, he went to Coblentz to work as 
Auskultator in the law courts. 

The diary complains of the "monotony of the first days," 
gives the names of the people he met at dinner, chiefly officers 
and functionaries, and the visits which he paid. Among others, 
the Chief President von Bodelschwingh is mentioned as "a very 
agreeable man whose face betokens the uprightness of his 
character and the nobility of his mind, as well as his high 


The Prince soon found complete satisfaction in the serious 
work of legal practice, and his spare time was employed in hard 
study. "The meaning and delight of real hard work," says the 
diary, "I experienced to-day and yesterday to the full, in the 
careful study, pen in hand, of the work of Biilow-Cummerow.* 
When the intellectual life revives, all minor external cares dis- 
appear, life loses its monotony and I begin once again to live. 
It was fortunate that the King's decision sent me back to the 
realities of life. The form of judicial procedure customary here 
gives me no insight into the Prussian system, but the training which 
I am gaining from it, and the power of clear and definite judi- 
cial thought, is even more valuable. Circumstances have sho'.vn 
me that my stay here was necessary, and that there was no other 
course open to me. I must make the best I can of it. 

"One advantage I am obliged to do without, and yet I need it 
so greatly : a friend or any soul in whom I can thoroughly confide 
and to whom I can tell my sorrows and my joys. Except Philipp 
Ernst and Victor, I have never had any one of the kind. Stern- 
berg,! a noble sympathetic character with high ideals, has been 
the only friend of the kind with the exception of those two (and 
mother and Amalie). Alas ! why is man so distant with his un- 
fortunate fellow men? Why should an unhappy soul torment 
itself throughout the paltry span of human life? And to what 
end ? Merely to die ; and yet they all pass to and fro unheeding, 
make their plans, torture and deceive themselves." 

April ii, 1842. 

The homely manners of the Coblentz high society do not 
altogether please one. One misses the aplomb and the lack of 
restraint which characterise the great world. An evening party 
is an extraordinary event in a small town and seems to throw 
every guest into a state of surprise which speedily tends to vul- 
garity, unless natural good-breeding holds the balance. 

On April 12, the diary complains of "intellectual indolence, 
the result of idleness in Berlin." "What a wholly different 
character I might have become had I remained free from strict 
domestic supervision from my sixteenth year onwards. I should 
have committed many follies and perhaps have gone to the devil. 
But it seems to me, though I do not complain of the past, that I 
might have become a better man. A passive and dreamy character 
weak in action requires the stimulus of being left to act for itself, 

* Von Bulow-Cummerow, Preussen: seine Verfassung und Verwal- 
tung, sein Verhaltnis zu Deutschland. Berlin, 1842. Cf. Treitschke, 
Deutsche Geschichte, vol. v. p. 198. 

f Freiherr August von Ungern-Sternberg was a fellow student of the 
Prince at Bonn and Heidelberg. He was born at Mannheim on August 16, 
1817, and died March 20, 1895. He was then Privy Councillor to the 
Grand Duke of Baden and President of the Privy Council of Karlsruhe. 
VOL. i c 


and must not be allowed to let things slide if it is really to 
develop. I am by nature passive, and this continuous state of 
tutelage has given me a great capacity for introspection, I can 
hardly say for philosophy, but has contributed in no way to the 
strengthening of my character. Upon this latter object my 
efforts must now be concentrated. 


COBLENZ, May 3, 1842. 

. . . You are right when you think that I can never be 
unhappy, I mean really unhappy. The power to appreciate 
unhappiness and to think about it will save me from ever being 
entirely crushed by it. "The only man who is really unhappy is 
the man who is unable to weep over his troubles;" I shall put 
this into a novel some day. This brings a poem to my mind 
which I have recently composed and which fits very well here. 
It is in the so-called gazul metre: 

Clouds o'ercast with gloom the sky; 

Wilted blossoms droop the head; 

Waters cease their lullaby. 

Comes a boding hush of dread 

O'er the parching face of earth. 

Ah, the signs of thunder-shower 

In the sultry summer days 

Oft recall each weary hour 

When the worn, long hardened heart 

Yearns for tear-drops' softening power. 

You are right when you envy me my pleasant stay here. 
For almost three weeks the weather has been so warm that 
everything is calling for rain. The fruit blossom is almost over, 
and the woods are beginning to grow green. It is a beautiful 
sight to behold the silvery moonlight reflected in the Rhine and 
the dark mountains and the noble Ehrenbreitstein opposite me. 
Were it not for the beauties of nature I should be unhappy 
in spite of all my philosophy, for the natives are anything but 
oreads or hamadryads. I have made the acquaintance of many 
excellent people, and many of them I like very well. But they 
like distinction and the power of taking things for granted ; you 
will understand what I mean. It is a faculty only found in well- 
bred or cosmopolitan people. My social amenities are more or 
less confined to those of the "how-do" type, even in the case 
of the most superior ladies, Excellencies, &c. (with honourable 
exceptions). A fair widow . . . twenty-one years of age, with a 
very beautiful contralto voice, pleases at the first glance. But an 
attentive listener speedily discovers a lack of proper training in 
her singing, and similarly her manners soon displayed, to my 
thinking, a kind of rustic vulgarity, tempered by an acquaintance 
with sentimental literature and with the English language, a 


mixture even more disagreeable to my mind than the unadul- 
terated country bumpkin who is neither able nor wishes to be other 
than he is. The old ladies are great bores, and I miss my 
talks with my Berlin lady friends, Frau von Luck and others. 
Among the men, and indeed throughout the country, not- 
withstanding their Rhenish good-nature, a certain pot-house 
tone prevails which galls me exceedingly. The sole consolation 
here is music. Everybody is musical, and the charming Frau . . . 
and her sister . . . sing and play at every party from the beginning 
to the end ; a chorus or a trio or a quartette or something of the 
kind is then sung and Maitrank is handed round ; so the evening 
passes and one quite enjoys oneself. My singing powers have 
not yet been discovered. I now take singing lessons regularly, 
and after some practice shall suddenly appear the only decent 
baritone in the town and enchant everybody. My teacher is not 
so bad, he makes me sing the solfeggi of Cherubim, drums the 
notes into me, and is anxious that I should be able to sing at 
sight in two months. Think what a pleasure that will be! 
I am also learning to understand the scales, B flat minor, C 
major, the minor keys, accidentals, &c. I shall soon have got 
far enough to compose songs, and my teacher will then have to 
accompany me. 

Yesterday I went to Neuwied and cannot say enough in praise of 
the good people there. I had feared they would look at me askance 
on account of my position as Auskultator, but, on the contrary, I 
was received with astonishment as an extraordinary phenomenon. 
This calmed my fears entirely. For such is human nature; 
man looks for outward approval though he should be satisfied 
with the consciousness that his motives are pure. The Prince* 
has something very interesting in his suffering face; his fine eyes 
contrast in an extraordinary manner with the deathly pallor of 
his complexion; he is said to be very talented, draws beauti- 
fully, &c. I liked him at first sight and much regret his shattered 
health. Schonleinf was here a short time ago, and gave great 
hopes of improvement; he is in fact somewhat better. Prince 
Max is a capable and talkative man. Prince Karl often used to 
see papa and mamma in Vienna, and looked back upon that time 
with much pleasure. Prince Philipp Lowenstein came in during 
dinner, jeune homme fort elegant as usual and rajeuni if possible. 
He seemed never tired of saying to me, "Why, you are looking 
very well." 

Last summer you observed that the air of the pine woods 
has a bad influence, and here the contrary observation seems in- 
dicated that spring air on the Rhine exerts a good influence. When 
I take my evening walk along the most frequented of the paths 
by the Rhine, I find even the most prosaic Philistines inspired by 
a kind of poetical illumination which is quite touching. And yet 

* Prince Hermann of Wied (1814-1846). 
t The famous Berlin pathologist. 


no other result is conceivable ; when the cool Rhine breeze comes 
down laden with the scent of flowers, no matter how sad my 
thoughts, straightway my whole being is cheered, and I look 
with keener pleasure upon the golden hills and the peaceful church 
towers of the opposite villages. Then the evening bells begin to 
ring, and I am borne perforce into that heavenly frame of mind 
which excludes all earthly wishes, except that you might be here 
with me. 

This letter has been at a standstill for several days; an 
excursion to Frankfurt, and the sense of isolation which follows 
the conclusion of these steamer trips prevented me from writing. 
In Frankfurt I sat opposite to Paul, Duke of Wiirtemberg dur- 
ing lunch; he talked incessantly, the more so as his neighbour 
Riippell,* one of the most famous travellers of the day, was good 
enough to act as gutter-spout for the trickle of his stories. It 
was all I could do to avoid laughing at the fellow, nice as he is. 

The steamer was as utterly wearisome as ever. Moreover, I 
made the acquaintance of a young Saxon officer whose behaviour 
was entirely governed by those " manuals of polite society," as 
they are called, and who consequently proved a terrible bore. Now 
I am sitting again at my desk studying my statutes and rejoicing 
over a Havana cigar (50 thalers a thousand, tell this to Victor) 
and a cup of coffee. 

I advise you to keep my letters, as I keep yours and, in fact, all 
that I receive. Even if we do not hereafter publish the Bettina 
correspondence it will be interesting to read it again in after years. 
When we afterwards secure some measure of personal success it is 
pleasant to look back upon the path by which we have travelled. 

Tell Victor that if the Arnimsf come to Winkel-am-Rhein, 
I shall go there and hope to spend some pleasant hours (in the 
society of Bettina). 

From the Journal. 

June 3, 1842. 

From May 3 to June 3 my activity has been interrupted by an 
attack of measles. Unpleasant as such an illness is, it has this 
benefit, that it entirely absorbs any superfluous energy, and I must 
admit that this illness and my solitary studies and self-question- 
ings have done much to clear my mind. I have even come to love 
this solitude; the monotony of a sick-bed, provided one is in no 
special pain, gives many pleasant hours to any one capable of 
thought, and some sad moments also, for "it brings one back to 
the question that torments the sick, but never the healthy man." 
The noise of the children was abominable, and if I had any thought 

*Eduard Ruppell (1794-1884), naturalist and traveller in Egypt, 
Nubia, and Arabia. 

f The Prince had made the acquaintance of Bettina von Arnim in 
Berlin in the winter of 1841-42. 


of marriage it would be postponed for ten years by the out- 
cries of my housemates. There is nothing more unpleasant 
in the world than a crying child. 

As soon as I can get to work again, I shall have to begin 
a thorough study of constitutional law. Nothing is more 
dangerous than a state of mental indolence when engaged in the 
study of constitutional questions. Without thorough training, 
we become, especially in the Public Service, either mere tools or 
fickle weather-cocks, or one-sided characters, easily absorbed 
by party considerations. Thoroughness is the only means by 
which to preserve integrity of character. 

August 16, 1842. 

. . . There is something sad about the lives of our modern 
youth in their constant praise of " freedom." Any one who 
finds satisfaction in immorality is certainly welcome to such 
freedom. But in this freedom of the old bachelor lie terrible 
possibilities of selfishness and heartlessness. 

September n, 1842. 

I have been studying the report of Marheineke upon the 
Bruno Bauer affair* in which his arguments are by no means 
logical, as the Deutsche Jahrbucher show. It must, however, 
be said that want of logic may easily result if passages torn 
from their context are fitted together, as they are in the 

In the course of the summer the Prince was invited to an 
evening party at the Castle of Bruhl, where he was very kindly 
received by the King and Queen. Among the guests the diary 
mentions the Duke of Cambridge, the Prince of Orange, the 
Archduke Johann of Austria, the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg, 
and the Hereditary Prince of Baden; "the latter extremely 
agreeable." At the concert the sisters Milanollo played. 

In September the Prince and his brother Gustav made a 
journey to Lausanne, by way of Strassburg, Basle, Solothurn, and 
Bern. Here the diary observes on September 27 : 

" Notwithstanding all this pleasure I cannot say that I am so 
attracted by it as before, or that I could give up everything to 
remain here for the rest of my life. Perhaps I am now becom- 
ing too thoroughly German. Perhaps also my troubled state of 
mind and my rising ambition are also responsible for this change. 
A man must make trial of life in his youth; must see what it 
brings him and what spiritual help he can thence gain for himself 
and others. The sentimental appreciation of the beauties of 
nature weakens a mind which ought to advance more and more 

*The Minister Eichhorn had demanded a report from the theological 
faculties upon the question whether Bruno Bauer was competent or 
should be allowed to teach theology in view of his radical publications. 


in determination and clarity of view. Such development can be 
gained only by extraordinary energy and a definite object in life. 
Onward, therefore!" 

On his return from Switzerland the Prince spent the autumn 
with his relatives at Kupferzell. Thence he visited Bettina 
von Arnim in Frankfurt. The diary speaks of an evening spent 
with her: "Bettina's daughters are no less amiable and clever 
than before. If only they would give up their efforts at eccen- 
tricity, which are quite unnecessary ! They are so amiable, so well 
educated and sensible that they might easily avoid foolish para- 
doxical views. I heard many sharp criticisms upon affairs in 
Berlin, for instance, upon the extraordinary conference of poets, 
&c. After a somewhat unfavourable criticism of the character of 
Tieck they went on to Riickert, who came in for their special 
censure as being a man with whom the King could not work, an 
eccentric unpolished creature who always used to wear an over- 
coat and now thinks it his duty to appear in evening dress, which 
suits him very ill. They compared Riickert's face with a shoe 
down at the heel, if I am not mistaken. Their somewhat 
severe judgment of the King is inspired by their great love for him 
and their wish that his fame should be immortal; this in their 
opinion can only be possible if he boldly advances upon the path 
of progress which he formerly entered, and declines to be checked 
by the action of his Ministers, who wish to assume too much 
power. The most characteristic and pleasant feature about 
Bettina is that she is not merely a learned, pompous woman, but 
a true child of nature, notwithstanding her wide intellectual 
interests. There is no restraint in her circle; every one acts as 
he pleases, characters are taken for what they are, and she 
attaches herself to any one who seems for the moment to be novel 
and interesting." 

In the year 1843 the Prince was occupied by preparation for 
his second examination and by projects for his future career. 
He resolved after the second examination to leave the legal pro- 
fession and to prepare for the Administrative and Diplomatic 
Services: "I will be a Landrat* or a diplomatist, or both !" says 
the diary. On February 18, 1843, he writes to his mother: 

" . . . At the same time my liking increases for my legal work, 
partly because I can see that I am getting on, and also because 
such training is of the highest value to an ill-balanced mind. I 
wish I had become convinced at an earlier date, as I am now, 
that a civil career is in no way derogatory, but on the contrary 
highly valuable. The unusual nature of my action has brought 
me some prestige, and after all the nobility can only maintain a 
position which is everywhere disputed, by showing intellectual 
or moral pre-eminence, or at least by trying to show it. Had I 
realised this before I should have saved many a year which has 
been expended in mere projects. Now that I have embarked 
* President of an administrative district. 


upon my profession all former objectors have been silenced, 
and hitherto I have experienced no obstacles except such as were' 
raised by my own distraction and negligence. Only recently 
my choice has been again approved by the Duke of Nassau and 
the general in command here, both of whom agreed with me 
upon the hopeless nature of a Prussian military career. In any 
case I trouble very little at present about other people's opinions 
and rejoice in my own independence, having now entirely shaken 
off the last traces of my former tutelage. I cannot say whether 
I shall remain in this profession when my time of training is 
passed and the actual work begins. I should derive more benefit 
if I could then retire peacefully into private life, live somewhere 
or other with you and continue my studies. I am of the opinion 
of Wilhelm von Humboldt, that man's chief object must be his 
individual development and if possible his perfection, in order 
that we may then influence others by our own power and thus 
become centres of beneficial force ; but this is better done alone 
and in peace than in the college of some great town." 

The following observations in the diary probably reflect some 
unpleasant experiences in Coblentz society: 

July 30, 1843. 

... It is advisable and in fact necessary for me to be constantly 
upon my guard. These characters that in many respects happen 
to harmonise with my own are, after all, nothing to me. I must 
be careful lest I fall into some base surrender. Watchfulness and 
prudence upon every occasion, combined with the utmost outward 
friendliness and affability, is an object that every prince should 
place before himself if he does not wish to be led into follies from 
which other young men are protected by their lower position. 
Caution, therefore ! 

Great indeed is the artificiality of the age, great the corruption 
of the present generation, and miserable the state of our society 
when a strong man can only attain his object by spending his 
strength and blunting his feelings in order to reduce himself to the 
level of his environment, when he must become bad that he may 
not hurt the feelings of the bad. 

After the Prince had passed his examination on August 17, he 
was appointed Rejerendarius* on September 9, 1843. During this 
month he made a long tour through Switzerland to Southern France 
and Upper Italy, starting from Lausanne with his brother Gustav, 
who had there been continuing his studies in French. In Lyons the 
brothers were present when the Due de Nemours arrived to hold a 
review, and witnessed his arrival on board the steamer. " Among 
a hundred thousand spectators," says the diary, "not a single 
cheer was heard." From October 10 to 25 the Prince travelled 
alone to Sardinia and returned from Genoa over the Spliigen. 
He spent November in Kupferzell and then went to Rauden by 
* A barrister practising without emolument. 


way of Corvey and Berlin, remaining there until the end of the 
year. Here he also spent the first weeks of the year 1844, and 
came back after a stay in Berlin extending from February 8 to 
March 25. April was spent on a tour to Vienna. 

Meanwhile he had been appointed to a post under the Potsdam 
Government on April 4, and at the instance of the Minister of 
Justice he was retired from the legal service on April 17, "in con- 
sequence of being transferred to the Administration," with a 
certificate "of good qualifications and praiseworthy behaviour." 
On May 13 the Prince arrived in Berlin to begin work under the 
Potsdam Government. 

From the Journal. 

April 19, 1844. 

.This book has been unopened for weeks and months. Mean- 
while many changes have taken place both about me and in 
myself. However, throughout the movements of my life I have 
been but confirmed in my former opinion that intellectual 
occupation can alone make a man happy. All else is but a 
subordinate matter, though beneficial as a relaxation. But 
when relaxation becomes the business of life it is a toil and 
of course ceases to be a relaxation. 

To his MOTHER. 

BERLIN, May 16, 1844. 

I am to be introduced to the Department at Potsdam to-morrow. 
I have an infinite objection to Potsdam and its inhabitants which 
I do not expect to lose, as I shall employ every spare moment in 
making excursions to Berlin. My calls have all been paid. I 
met the Princes in the train and was received with their usual 
cheerfulness, which was increased when I told them of my plans ; 
this information induced Prince Friedrich to observe that I 
should probably become a Landrat; he did not know how near he 
was to the truth. Apart from this, the Prince of Prussia ap- 
proved my intention of working under the Government and said 
that he was especially delighted, "as we can ask you now and 
then to come and have a bit of dinner." 

From the Journal. 

May 29, 1844. 

I have recently felt no inclination to attempt a description of 
my feelings. The gentle stimulus of my life in the law does once 
more arouse the capacity for writing down one's thoughts ; indeed 
it becomes a necessity to see in writing what cannot be expressed 
in words. This was indeed my object in resuming my career; 
I wished once more to recover my knowledge of myself. That my 


powers of introspection have not disappeared but were merely 
dormant is a conviction which fills me with joy and atones for the 
many disadvantages of my profession. 

June 25, 1844. 

The legislation of the period between 1807 and 1811 had 
aroused a certain spirit of Liberalism in Prussia which was to 
culminate in a universal and remarkable display of national 
enthusiasm during 1813 and 1814. 

After the Congress of Vienna, the Governments were inclined to 
consider the widespread spirit of Nationalism in Germany a some- 
what dangerous tendency. Even though the legislation of 1820 
and 1821 pointed to the speedy institution of a State Constitution 
in Prussia, the nation was soon deprived of these prospects by the 
establishment of a constitution based upon the provincial orders. 
Meanwhile people were contented with the possession of an orderly 
administration, and were ready to trust to the King's sense of 
justice, seeing that he had passed through many joys and sorrows 
with his people, like a father with his children, and that his in- 
tentions were as sound a guarantee for the maintenance of 
what was good and the suppression of what was not, as any 
constitution upon a monarchical basis could provide. This was 
the situation when King Friedrich Wilhelm III. died. 

The speeches delivered upon the occasion of the homage 
aroused general hopes of a free constitution, though the public 
was inclined to see some sign of the King's ecclesiastical lean- 
ings in the appointment of such Ministers as Eichhorn, Stolberg, 
Thiele, and other officials. This tendency soon became more 
obvious. It also speedily appeared that these speeches, far from 
promising any representative constitution, implied the contrary. 
General dissatisfaction was aroused, which began to find expression 
at the outset of 1842. The censorship legislation, which seemed to 
promise greater freedom of discussion, was opposed by the Arnim 
Ministry, which aimed rather at restriction, while the High Court 
of Appeal on questions of censorship acted upon wider principles 
and allowed many articles to pass. To these disturbing elements 
were added many economic evils, such as still persist, want of 
employment in Silesia, railway company legislation which had re- 
cently become a necessity, &c. Finally there is a general want 
of principle and all-pervading lack of vigour, or rather of system, 
among the supreme administrative authorities; business is 
delayed, money is wanting, and the finances are in confusion, so 
that the general dissatisfaction increases, though varying in 
particular provinces. They have just been sending some excellent 
gentlemen to sound popular feeling in the Rhine provinces, as if 
the local authorities were not likely to be far better informed. 
This action is discussed and criticised on the Rhine. The 
nobility is brought into contempt by the misdeeds of indi- 
viduals. Much else might also be mentioned, not to speak 


of the divorce law and the criminal law. If the popular feeling 
be taken into consideration along with the personnel of the 
present Ministry, it becomes obvious that no alleviation is to 
be expected unless a complete change is made in the supreme 
authority. We dare not shut our eyes to the fact that on the 
slightest provocation he may have a rebellion. One movement 
leads to another; the military are untrustworthy, and there is 
nothing to check the stream if it bursts its banks and rushes over 
meadow and field. All who do not now work their hardest to 
secure a capable education are lost. A time will come when 
birth will no longer be of importance, when high and low will 
be forced to contend in open discussion. It is the duty of the 
aristocracy to arm themselves, not with sword and shield, but with 
the word of power drawn from science, that they may thus become 
a firm, loyal, and immovable support for the throne and for 
themselves. We are the trees upon which drowning men may 
climb to safety from the flood. Let us see to it that our roots 
be not rotten but firmly planted in the soil. 

To his MOTHER. 

BERLIN, July 15, 1844. 

I have been almost every Sunday to dine at Court, and to my 
astonishment have secured the favour of exalted personages. 
Yesterday the King actually offered me his snuff-box, from which 
I took a pinch with delight. 

"In the middle of July," says the diary, "I travelled to Corvey 
and felt a difference in the air immediately. Here body and mind 
are oppressed, there they revive. Then there was the pleasant 
meeting with Victor, Gustav, and Konstantin.* Then, until 
October, was a peaceful and undisturbed time at Potsdam. 
Stag-hunting, ending with a fright. In December to Rauden. 
Joyful, tender, and ever memorable days spent with mamma, 
Philipp Ernst, Konstantin, and Gustav. On January 8, 1845, to 
Berlin. Interesting carnival, romanticism of Kroll, railway, 
Court festival. Arrival of Victor. Delight at his happiness." f 

To his MOTHER. 

BERLIN, January 17, 1845. 

Yesterday I received a letter from Victor with the news that 
he would not arrive here until the 2oth. At the same time he 
confirmed the news of my election to the Landtag. J I am then 
going with Victor to Breslau. I do not know what use this 
Landtag will be to me; I have had the most interesting con- 

* The youngest of the brothers, born September 8, 1828. 
t On his engagement to Princess Amalie of Furstenberg. 
j The Silesian Provincial Diet. 


versations with Ministers and others, and also with the Prince 
of Prussia about it, and I am by no means dissatisfied. 
My few conversations with the authorities have shown me 
the confusion and want of intelligence prevailing in the highest 
circles, where every popular desire, if it does not correspond with 
the wishes of the Government, is regarded as treason. The 
assembly might become a turning-point for me if it were not my 
business as a novice to speak but little and to keep my principles 
as dark as possible. 

The Prince's visit to Breslau lasted from the beginning of 
February to April 10. On April 19 was celebrated the marriage 
of the Duke of Ratibor with Princess Amalie of Fiirstenberg in 
Donaueschingen. The serious illness of Prince Philipp Ernst had 
already begun. " Cheerful and yet sad wedding days," says the 
diary. Shortly after the marriage festivities at Donaueschingen the 
Prince grew worse and died on May 3, 1845. "This event," says 
the diary, on May 14, " marks the beginning of a new epoch for me. 
My natural cheerfulness and my native optimism have been 
shattered for ever by this death, which has taken from me the one 
closest to my heart, with whom I thought and felt in such perfect 
harmony, and with whom I was in such entire intimacy last 
winter. I told him what I have never entrusted to any one, as 
he understood everything, was in every case indulgent to the 
feelings of others, was gentle and lovable. ..." 

The outward consequence of this bereavement was a decision 
which made the Prince master of Schillingsfiirst. In the course of 
the summer the negotiations took place which ended in a conven- 
tion with the Duke of Ratibor. By the terms of this agreement, 
Prince Chlodwig renounced his claim to Corvey, while the Duke 
of Ratibor resigned the Schillingsfiirst succession in his favour. 
The domain of Treffurt remained in the possession of Prince 
Chlodwig; he afterwards sold this estate and acquired instead a 
larger property in the Province of Posen. Retirement from the 
Prussian State Service was the next consequence. "On June n," 
says the diary, "I was with Arnim. My reception was very formal 
and unusually cold. Upon my explanation he merely asked 
whether I wished to continue work in Potsdam. When I told 
him that this was, perhaps, the case but that I had no definite 
object, he went so far as to admit that it was a matter of total 
indifference to him, or even a matter of preference if I abandoned 
my career. As I do not meet with the least encouragement, I 
think better to give it up. For the moment I intend to leave 
the question of my return to Potsdam open, to take leave for 
an indefinite period and then to see what is to be done at 

The Prince spent the whole winter between 1845 an d 1846 in 
Schillingsfurst. "A terrible winter," says the diary, "which, how- 
ever, has had its good side. Man can bear everything if he only 


will. Voluntas est potestas" The following poem belongs to 
the lonely winter spent at Schillingsf lirst : 

From the castle's rocky height, 
Clear beneath the winter moon, 
See the valley decked in light, 
See the church and see the tomb ! 

There they laid thee in the grave; 
Warm and loving friends we were : 
Thou wert loyal, strong, and brave ; 
None with thee shall e'er compare. 

Many a bitter tear they shed 
Standing round that holy spot; 
But their sorrows now are fled, 
For, alas, they knew thee not. 

But my tears shall ever flow 
As upon that gloomy morn, 
When I made thy grave below, 
Broken-hearted and forlorn. 

From letters to the PRINCESS AMALIE. 

SCHILLINGSFURST, March 4, 1846. 

O'er the valleys and the hills 
I would be a wanderer bold; 
Through the cruel winter storms 
Thunder round our castle hold. 

I would be a mariner 
Boldly sail the waters dark, 
Though the fury of the wave 
Bode destruction to my bark. 

With the children of the South 
Through the palm -groves I would haste, 
And upon an Arab steed 
Scour the desert's burning waste. 

With the sword for freedom's cause 
I would smite the enemy, 
And the triumph of my land 
With my dying gaze descry. 

Anything were better than 
Thus o'er musty deeds to frown, 
Yawning, sharpening a pen, 
Slippered, in a dressing-gown. 

I have just interrupted my restless nervous letter and looked 
out of the window. Ah, how that calms the mind. It is a wonder- 
fully beautiful moonlight night, beneath which wide valleys and 
mountains lie outspread. It is all quiet and peaceful and warm, 
and the spring breezes are blowing up here upon the mountain. 
The remembrance of the past fills my heart with silent sorrow, 


and from the past there rise the good thoughts and actions of our 
life, together with the remembrance of those who have passed 
away ; nay, they rise in person. None the less, it is a consolation 
to think that this old home does not look out dead and desolate 
upon the lovely night, but belongs to a kind of third-rate poet 
who now and then looks out upon the moonlight himself. And 
it almost seems to me that the old stone barrack itself rejoices 
at the fact. 


March 14, 1840. 

... I have now got a very good parson at Frankenheim, 
a zealous capable man named Bischof who was here lately. Of 
all the applicants his testimonials showed him the most capable 
and his conversation was a pleasure to me in my loneliness. I 
felt at home with him immediately in a philosophical discussion, 
and that is always something in his favour. At the same time, 
he is no rationalist, but a real Christian, and not a hypocrite 
either; and though my knowledge of human nature sometimes 
plays me false, I have a good eye for parsons, governesses, and 

I am now getting the garden into some kind of order, and 
making plans and proposals for the building of a summer-house. 
Beyond that I shall never bother much about laying out and 
building. I get terribly bored with it, especially the building. 

April 7, 1846. 

I have read the book by Gervinus.* With much of it I am in 
complete accord, especially the horror of dogmatism, which has 
been greatly intensified by Gustel's treatises. His remarks also 
upon Schleiermacher are very true. But I cannot agree with the 
whole of his optimism, least of all with the hopes which he expresses 
of such windbags as Ronge and Scersky. I should, indeed, be 
delighted to see a great universal Christian Church embracing 
all that is pure and lofty in Christianity. I think also that this 
idea is possible, though I dissent from the opinion that eccle- 
siastical or religious unity of this kind must precede political 
unity. This I neither hope nor believe. Political unity must 
precede religious unity, unless struggle for religious unity 
produces a condition of affairs leading to an opposite result. 
This is a somewhat confused sentence and requires development, 
but I hope you will be able to understand it. 

It is impossible for me, much as I have recently attempted 
to deceive myself, to accommodate myself to all the dogmas, 
and for that reason I have recognised certain passages in Gervinus 
as the expression of my inmost thoughts. During the solitude 
of this winter, I have been entirely honest with myself, and am 
now striving to be equally honest with others. Lying is entirely 
foreign to my nature, and any traces of it in me are due to the 

* Die Mission der Deutschkatholiken, 1846. 


education of Herr Boltes,* an excellent method of its kind. "To 
thine own self be true," is a phrase that should be written every- 
where in letters of gold. . . . Hence I must also say that I have 
as yet absolutely no thoughts of marriage. I am becoming 
more and more convinced that marriage for a man is not an end 
but a means, a means to the enobling of his character. His wife 
should be "a shady footpath skirting the high road of life." 
But to enjoy such happiness, a man must walk boldly upon the 
high road of life, must have reached one goal and have another 
before him. In our class, marriage is too often made the chief 
end of life. One sees a prince of the empire settled in his castle, 
getting married, hunting, signing decrees, and thinking what a 
hero he is ; yet however happy he may be in his married life, he 
feels a certain inward dissatisfaction which he cannot explain 
and which embitters his days ; this is the want of some definite 
object, the incapacity for taking an active share in the higher in- 
terests of humanity, in short, the voice of conscience which he does 
not, cannot, or will not understand. An estate in a province like 
Silesia, the more vigorous life of the North Germans and Prussians, 
provides other compensations and means of stimulus to such an 
existence, but South Germany does not. The happy ones in 
this country, and in our class, are not the men but the women, 
provided that they appreciate their situation. Nothing more 
easily depresses a clever thoughtful man than the consciousness 
that he has no object for his efforts and activities. Do not tell 
me that I ought to be content with my present sphere. It 
does not give me nearly enough to do, and the occupation which 
it provides is not of the kind to raise the mind. It may be all 
very well for later years, but it is no school for life, and I must 
insist upon going to school. I will and I must recognise the truth 
of Chamisso's words: "Let us work and create by means of our 
knowledge lest we should conceive the idea of blowing our brains 

On April 1 8, 1846, the Prince entered the Bavarian Upper 
House, and took part in its proceedings in Munich. His im- 
pressions of his first experiences in the arena of Bavarian 
politics are given in the following description from the diary: 

MUNICH, May 9, 1846. 

Nothing in political life is better or worse than the transition 
from doubt to firm conviction. It is a bad thing, because it 
wastes the inward life; a good thing, because it puts an end to 
the state of doubt. I have now reached this point. Previously 
I held to the so-called Ultramontane party, because I re- 
garded it as safe; but this idea, which had previously made 
me doubtful of my actions, has now disappeared. Since my 

* For many years tutor to the Princes. 


conversation with H. J., my views have become decided. The 
abyss towards which I was being carried by the policy of the 
Jesuits has suddenly been revealed to me. Their intolerance, 
their hatred of Protestantism, which is one of their leading 
features, their idea that the Reformation and all its conse- 
quences was a mistake, that the great philosophical, literary, 
and other splendid moments of our history were only aberra- 
tions of the human intellect, is an absurdity. It is treachery, 
utterly opposed to my inmost being, and is a sign of internal 
corruption and decay, which makes it absolutely impossible for 
me to give the smallest help to that party, so long as I place 
any value upon the whole of my past life and my dearest 
convictions. I pray God for strength to deliver me from the 
temptations of this devilish society, which works only for 
the subjugation of human freedom, and especially of intellectual 
freedom; I pray that I may never be led astray from the path 
of truth, either by promises or threats. For this purpose there 
must be an open breach with the whole clique, which it will be 
my business to bring to pass as soon as possible. 


MUNICH, June 2, 1846. 

I am getting more and more acclimatised to Munich, as 
Herr Bolte says. I am already able to talk to the people in 
a dialect composed of Hohenlohe and old Bavarian tongues, 
and in society to produce a dainty mixture of French and German 
phrases. Apart from this, now that the world at large is scattered, 
I am living quietly for my own plans and for art, and am only 
sorry that I cannot take you to see the beauties of this place. 

To his MOTHER. 


My plans are still undecided ; I am waiting to see whether 
the King will appoint me President of the Central Agricultural 
Union, and am then going to Munich to take my bearings. 
Here I am occupied, apart from other business, with the reading 
of agricultural works, in the hope of being able to speak upon 
agricultural improvement with proper unction. It cannot be 
said that the past is in any way a continuation of my Prussian 
career, but it brings me into close association with the Crown 
Prince, and makes me a kind of intermediary between the 
Crown Prince and the King; in short, it would be a difficult 
position, but a valuable experience, and perhaps would be of 
use to my future prospects in the higher service of the State. 
The position was offered to me without my seeking it, after 
I had only been known a few weeks in Munich, and the honour 
was thus too great for me to decline. 


On June 26, 1846, the Prince was retired from the Prussian 
Civil Service through the Potsdam Administration, with the hope 
"that the memories of your work here as Referendarius, during 
which you devoted your energies with all zeal to the business 
of administration, may have none but pleasing recollections 
for your Highness." 



The fact that one can live in a lonely castle, round which 
the wind howls, with no human society, occupied only with 
books and hunting, and yet retain one's cheerfulness, must 
surely be due to the quality of the air. It must be the 
air also which makes me look forward with pleasure to the 
new activities with which I am confronted. In any case, the 
system of agriculture in vogue here is absolutely wrong, and 
for that reason I am eagerly studying the books which bear 
upon the subject. A new field of knowledge has opened before 
me, a new world of discovery; I look upon men and cattle 
with different eyes, respect people and efforts which I formerly 
despised, and find the old phrase more and more true that all 
philosophy and abstraction is only valuable when founded 
upon a concrete basis of the widest and deepest positive know- 
ledge. From this point of view, and considering that man, 
who is idle by nature, must have some outward impulse to 
occupation if he is not to perish, and that a man is only half 
a man unless he can really do something (in contrast to the 
woman, who must be something) from this point of view, I 
say, and from many others, the occupation to which I look 
forward seems highly pleasing and desirable. If the decision 
should turn out in my favour, and it is not yet certain, I shall 
regard it as a happy piece of fortune.* How I should like 
to sit with you for an evening in mamma's room! You will 
rejoice at the courage and energy with which I mean to 
carve out my career. I also wanted to relieve dear mamma's 
anxiety a little, by telling her there is nothing dangerous in 
Gustav's plan of going to Italy for the winter. There are, and 
always must be, two kinds of men: those who serve them- 
selves and the world by independent thought in science and 
politics, and those who hold to what is given and work for the 
positive beliefs, of which the Catholic Church is the culminating 
point. Every one can choose the one or the other, but, having 
chosen, one must abide by it. Gustav's stay in Rome will not, 
therefore, turn him into a Jesuit, but will make him a clear- 
headed, resolute Catholic priest, like Diepenbrock and Schwarzen- 
berg, who were also in Rome. Whatever one does must be 
done thoroughly ; our age of contradiction and warfare demands 

* The Prince did not obtain the post which he had in view. 


that every one shall express his convictions and take a side. 
Not that every one is called to action, but each must help to 
build up his party, so that all may be ready when in the good 
providence of God the hour of reckoning or of union strikes. 

With the sense of inward purity and manly resolution 
expressed in this letter, the conviction arose in the Prince's 
mind that the time, which seemed so remote on April 7, had now 
come for the consummation of his lif e by marriage. The following 
letters show that he no longer rejected the friendly offices of 
various people who sought to help him to this happiness. 


FRANKFURT, August 8, 1846. 

Herr von Verno told me in Cologne that the Wittgensteins were 
coming to Schwalbach. Uncle Constantine's friend, Herr Muhlens, 
from Frankfurt, knows the family very well. From his account 
they are all very distinguished people, and Herr Muhlens himself 
is a most honourable, fascinating, and accomplished man of the 
world. La personne principale is said to be a marvel of charm 
and simplicity, pious, good, &c. &c. Should I not be a fool to 
let this opportunity of seeing her escape? Notwithstanding 
her seventeen years the lady is very independent, and will not be 
an easy prize. There is no difficulty about an introduction to the 
family. Frau von Lazareff and Princess Fanny Biron, who are 
on very friendly terms with the Wittgensteins, were in Ostend. 
I won both their hearts by my flattering attentions, moonlight 
walks, boating expeditions, and songs, so that they invited me 
warmly to call on them in Schwalbach, where they are to stay 
for a week with the Wittgensteins. Without exactly speaking of 
the plan I had had in view, I observed that they cherished the 
same wish, and as they are extremely tactful and nice, as well as 
somewhat fond of matchmaking, I can calmly approach the situa- 
tion others have prepared for me. The web of intrigue which I 
have spun for this object only, with the people who have been 
drawn in without knowing anything about it, is truly Jesuitical, 
and I plume myself greatly upon it. As regards the main point, 
however, you may be sure I shall act in all honour, and shall not 
forget Gelzer's Tenth Address.* I am fully persuaded of the 
serious nature of the step that may ensue on this journey, and 
will allow no external circumstances to persuade me to adopt a lie 
for the partner of my life. I have enough courage, and am calm 
and sure enough of myself, to manage the affair with prudence. 

BINGEN, October 5, 1846. 

. . . Each day makes me feel more and more what in- 
describable happiness has quite undeservedly fallen to my lot. 

* Gelzer, Die Religion im Leben. Reden an Gebildete. Tenth Address : 
"Marriage, Moral and Religious." 
VOL. i D 


Each day brings greater intimacy, not in the ordinary way, but 
in the subtle sympathetic communion in which the eyes express 
mutual satisfaction, that even here, even in this, each soul is in 
unison with the other. And this is the more remarkable, since, as 
you know, I am not fond of serious conversations in French . . . 
amazing too, seeing that she is barely seventeen and a half. You 
can imagine that time passes under these conditions as if I were 
in Paradise. The fact of there having been no definite explana- 
tion as yet, lends a peculiar charm to the whole affair. 

BINGEN, October 30, 1846. 

As soon as external matters had been settled, the internal 
aspects and considerations presented themselves during my 
journey. The sacred nature of marriage became clear, the neces- 
sity for mutual and unbounded love, unlimited confidence, and 
other similar reflections welled up, and disturbed me greatly. 
For I had to recognise two things. In the first place, whatever 
my own inclination, I was by no means clear about her feeling; 
then again, the journey to Bingen was tantamount to a proposal, 
and it would be very difficult to draw back after that. These 
scruples and reflections sent the blood to my heart, and produced 
the unpleasant sensations that are experienced by the most 
frivolous as well as the serious-minded, on the verge of taking a 
step that will affect the whole future life. It was therefore "a 
rather pale-looking young man" (sic) who stepped ashore, and 
made his way to the Hotel Victoria. No one would be at home 
till 4.30. So I had time to get calm. At the appointed hour I 
betook myself to the salon. The Princess came in first, with 
another beautiful, tall lady behind her. All the bogies I had 
conjured up disappeared, I only saw a cordial, expressive coun- 
tenance beaming on me like a ray of gentle sunshine, before 
which all my doubts and scruples melted away like ice. From 
that moment all embarrassment vanished. We conversed at table 
with the exclusive absorption that springs from satisfaction in 
meeting again after a not too long separation, the satisfaction and 
joy in which so much hope and promise are involved. 

MUNICH, November 16, 1846. 

... I am staying here a little longer, till about December 
3, and shall then return to Schillingsfiirst. I have had other 
dear, beautiful letters, and see more and more what a world of 
trust and confidence has opened for me, giving me an escape into 
a sure haven from all the problems and fatalities of life. . . . 

MUNICH, November 21, 1846. 

. . . Once married I shall devote myself with fresh courage 
and energy to my daily task, which may be dangerous, but will 
always be honourable. It is a splendid cause to work whole- 
heartedly for the entire country. And what a help and comfort 


to be supported in all one's labours by a kind and sympathetic 
wife ! . . . I cannot thank God enough for that. I have 
such confidence in her character as I have rarely felt in any 
human being. In regard to Marie, a sense of stability and con- 
stancy in ideas and feelings comes over me such as I have never 
before conceived possible. 

The Royalties were very gracious to me. I have also made 
acquaintance with the Duke of Leuchtenberg and the Crown 
Prince of Sweden. Deux jeunes gens fort aimables. 

FRANKFURT, December 30, 1846. 

I have been here three days, and even if it were possible to 
tell you all that I am feeling, I should want time and peace, and 
colossal talents. From the instant when, waiting by the fire of 
the salon in the evening, I saw Marie hastening towards me, glad 
and radiant, while our joy prevented either of us from saying a 
word (fortunately we were alone together) ever since I have been 
seeing her and talking to her every day, while our intercourse 
never palls since I have found her once more lovely, noble, 
candid, all it is possible to be, I love her no more with a quiet 
admiration of her good qualities, no longer, one might say, as her 
intended, but I am . . . c'est une expression un pen triviale . . . 
enamoured, restless, feverish. And yet we have to act a comedy 
a little longer, as the announcement cannot be made for a few 

On February 16, 1847, a ^ Frankfurt-on-the-Main, the Prince 
was married to the Princess Marie zu Sayn-Wittgenstein- 
Berleburg. The young couple went first to Corvey, whence 
the Prince writes to Princess Amalie: 

"I have no feeling other than a joyous sense of spring, when 
one lies under a leafy tree on a gently sloping hillside, watching 
the clouds course over the blue Heavens. Beyond, above the 
Ziegenberg, one grey snow-cloud may chase another, I reck 
little of them, for I am happy and entirely content. My heart 
is filled with gratitude to God, who in His goodness guides the 
steps of men to blessings and happiness. 

" Our life here is the most limpid, beautiful, and rational that 
could fall to the lot of any mortal. On rising between eight and 
nine I usually go for a ride, and return when Marie is ready. 
Then we breakfast together in the yellow room, rejoicing every 
day at the good coffee, or some new sort of cake the cook bakes 
to surprise us. We sit and talk till eleven, when I go to my room 
for business, while Marie reads, plays the piano, or occupies herself 
in some other way. About two, when I have finished, we go out a 
little in the Avenue if it is fine enough, to meet the post, and read 
our letters on the spot. After two we dine, again in the yellow 
room, and then drive in the pony-carriage to Godelheim, Brenk- 
hausen, or to the Chausse*e-Haus on the Weser. Sometimes we 


both ride, Marie in a fine brown habit and black hat, on Fuchs, 
who ambles along like any Spa donkey. On returning I usually 
find Dedie* in my room, to give me his reports and any other 
news. In the evening we read all kinds of books or make music 
till tea-time. . . . And all this happiness is increased by the 
knowledge that we are not living simply in this idyllic life, but 
can push on the great Wheel of Time, after as well as before - 
better, indeed, than before, since there is no burden of care to drag 
us down into the squalor and boredom of the mediatised. ..." 

Their stay in Corvey lasted till April 29. The Prince and his 
bride then went via Berlin to Silesia. On June 29, 1847, they 
made their entry into Schillingsfurst. 

* Kammerrat Dedie*, one of the Prince's functionaries at Corvey. 





THE Prince was busy during November and December 1847 
with a memoir "On the Political Condition of Germany, its 
Danger and Means of Defence," of which we have the rough 
draft and some amplifications. He explains the discontent that 
was generally diffused among all circles in Germany, by a con- 
sideration of the situation in Austria, Prussia, and the smaller 
States. The following extract treats of Prussia: 

"Since the House of Hohenzollern first stepped forward as 
Electoral Princes and Sovereigns, they have been marked 
out as the defenders of Protestantism in Germany. So long as 
Prussia protected Protestantism in its widest sense as the free 
development of the human mind within lawful bounds, and held 
fast as the watchword of her policy the truth that a Govern- 
ment should anticipate and meet the Spirit of the Age, so long 
was Prussia at the head of the German nation, respected and 
feared by her enemies. But when the Prussian Government 
renounced her calling, she sank into that labyrinth of inconse- 
quence which brings a State to the verge of ruin. Prussia lay in 
that abyss in 1806. Nothing but the political genius of Stein 
and his friends, who were like-minded and inspired with himself, 
could have saved the country from the mire of unexampled 
squalor. The laws passed at that time gave the people back their 
faith in, and love for, their Fatherland, and therewith the strength 
to free themselves from a foreign domination. This, however, was 
only the prelude to the further development of the nation. The 
reactionary tendencies of the Government from 1817 to 1840 could 
not prevent those laws from bearing an abundant harvest. The 
municipal regulations of 1808, the agrarian laws, the increasingly 
democratic tendencies of the Government (despite all suppression 
of local activity), religious toleration, which afforded free 
spiritual development under the philosophic ministry of Altenstein, 
and, lastly, the ineffaceable impression which is stamped by an 
epoch of inspiration upon the old and new generations alike all 
these combined to produce a free-thinking, if not yet free-speaking, 



nation a nation that deliberately set before it the aim of par- 
ticipating in the management of the State. At the outset of the 
reign of Friedrich Wilhelm IV. this nation believed itself justified, 
out of the mouth of its Sovereign, in hoping for the fulfilment of 
its desires, which had been silent, though not asleep, since 1817. 
But the Government pursued another path from that expected 
by the people. . . . 

"The ecclesiastical policy of Friedrich Wilhelm III. is well 
known. That it was not based upon unrestricted ecclesiastical 
and religious liberty appears more particularly from his measures 
in regard to the Catholic Church, and the in part compulsory 
introduction of the Union, the suppression and persecution of the 
so-called Old Lutherans. But when we ask why these measures 
excited rather a partial than a general agitation, why these events 
passed by without further consequences, we can only explain it 
by saying that Friedrich Wilhelm's system of Government was 
after all, despite its despotism and its aggressiveness, a Protes- 
tant system, that these very despotic measures and encroach- 
ments originated in the Liberalism of the Government, and hence 
were less disquieting to the conscience. This policy might be 
branded with the old sign-manual of Prussian supremacy, educa- 
tion by means of the cudgel, but it was none the less, and more 
than is commonly admitted, too much hi harmony with the 
spirit of the nation to arouse more than merely momentary dis- 
content. Free investigation, the inborn, rational philosophy 
of the Prussians, remained unattainted. 

"The Eichhorn Ministry . . . who can deny it? ... rests 
upon an anti-Prussian soil and foundations. His system of 
orthodox Protestantism is known, and cannot be demonstrated." 

On the danger of the universal discontent the Prince writes: 
"The real peril lies, not in the parties of the Communists, 
Socialists, and Radicals, who have existed in every State and in all 
ages; not in the secret machinations of the Jesuit Fathers and 
their friends, who represent the stunting of the minds of the people 
as the only salvation, the sole anchor of safety but in the fact 
that the discontent, of which each party makes such skilful use, 
is so universal and so well founded. Just as a man, reaching 
full self-consciousness after years of careful training and youthful 
adventures, reaches the heights of free self-determination and 
forceful action, and enters next upon a phase in which he rejects 
any hand that seeks to guide him and will tread only in the path 
which seems right in his own eyes, so in the history of every nation 
there is an epoch in which it comes to full self-consciousness, 
and claims liberty to determine its own destiny. At such an 
epoch the intentions of the wisest Governments are misinterpreted, 
the most zealous fulfilment of duty by a fostering administration 
is held inadequate, wherever these Governments and administra- 
tions fail to recognise that the nation has attained its majority, 


and continue along the old path, from habit, or from a mis- 
apprehension of the interests involved. 

" We in Germany have reached this stage. The nation demands 
a share in public administration, now as never before. The 
Governments, however, reject this movement. In it they see, or 
wish to see, only the propaganda of a radical clique, and are 
filled with misgivings. One reason for discontent is univer- 
sally diffused in Germany ; every thinking German is deeply and 
painfully aware of it. This is the impotence of Germany among 
other States. Let no one say that Austria and Prussia as great 
Powers represent the might of Germany in her foreign relations. 
On the one hand Austria asserts herself far too little because she 
is lacking in internal strength; on the other, Prussia, to speak 
plainly, is only admitted on sufferance among the great Powers, 
and will not even hold this position much longer if the movement 
in internal politics continues as it has begun. In last resort, 
however, there are only Austria and Prussia, while the rest of 
Germany for ever plays a minor part as a mere camp-follower. 
No one will deny that it is hard on a thinking, energetic man to be 
unable to say abroad : ' I am a German ' - not to be able to pride 
himself that the German flag is flying from his vessel, to have no 
German Consul in cases of emergency, but to have to explain, 'I 
am a Hessian, a Darmstadter, a Buckeburger; my Fatherland 
was once a great and powerful country, now it is shattered into 
eight- and- thirty splinters.' And when we study the map and see 
how the Baltic, the North Sea, and the Mediterranean break upon 
our shores, and how no German flag commands the customary 
salute from the haughty French and English, surely the hue of 
shame alone will survive from the red, black, and yellow ribbon, 
and mount into our cheeks? And must not all the whining talk 
about German unity and the German nation remain woefully 
ludicrous, until the words cease to be an empty sound, a phan- 
tasmagoria of our complacent optimism, until we have the reality 
of a great, united Germany? The industry so largely fostered 
by the Zollverein no longer suffices for our commerce in its 
present extended conditions, our rich trade seeks extraneous 
markets and connections over sea. The outcry at the deficiencies 
of the German fleet, and the question of the unity of Germany - 
a real, politically efficacious unity will be handled with fresh 
vigour by the now emancipated Press. 

"It is a mistake to try to dam the Revolution by liberal 
reforms in individual States without reforming Germany as a 
whole. The Free Press is a necessity; progress is a condition of 
the existence of States. But if we are to emancipate the Press, 
it behoves us to know, and to make clear to ourselves, what, as 
said and reiterated by its means, is penetrating to the mind of 
the citizen, and bearing fruit. We have to ask ourselves, is this 
the fruit we desire? If we advance, let us do so with our eyes 
open, and let us open our eyes wide. Before we let an entire 


people move in a given path, we must see where this path 
leads. It is a lamentable illusion with many well-meaning 
statesmen to regard progress under the existing conditions of 
Germany as something quite innocuous. Progress leads to 
Revolution. A hard saying, but a true one ! . . ." 

The following note shows the trend of the whole memoir: 
"An argument can be formulated from the essay in question, 
to show that the whole of the present cry for Progress will lead 
to Revolution if the matter is not handled by the right end. So 
long as this, which is a reversal of the conditions of the German 
Bund, is not apprehended by the Governments in a serious 
and self-sacrificing spirit, the whole system of progress and 
concessions tends to revolution. So long, accordingly, as I fail 
to discover this attitude of mind, I am an ultra-Conservative, 
since I therein find more assurance for the safety of the Father- 
land. I will not co-operate in a revolution, and if the revolu- 
tion is to break over Germany after the pattern of 1789, and 
the aristocracy perish, at least I shall not have to say, I have 
landed myself in this plight by my own want of common sense." 

On March 3, 1848, the Prince writes to Princess Amalie 
from Schillingsf iirst : "And so we are no longer on the verge 
of great events, but plunged in the midst of them.* We must 
now be prepared for everything. Once the first moment of 
agitation has passed, I shall calmly await the future, and shall 
not remain passive." 

On March 31 he says in a letter from Munich: "If I have 
not written before, it was from no lack of will, but from sheer 
impossibility. I am launched full sail on the sea of political 
activity, and have to divide my whole time between conferences 
and writing. I am busy now preparing for our Sittings, 
which are suspended for eight days. I am a member of three 
Commissions all at once, thanks to the determination of my 
colleagues to put me forward." 

On April 3: "The political outlook is gloomy to our very 
gates, but all is serene within. Once the first unpleasant moment 
of awakening from the sleep of civilisation is passed, once we 
have rubbed our eyes, and discovered that all the things we have 
read about death, murder, plague, hunger, poverty, and 
the like may in sooth be coming very near us, when once we 
have overcome this first panic, without swooning like the worthy 
Grand Duke of Weimar, further developments will be easy to 
endure. The inward light of the mind burns clear and bright, and 
none can extinguish it. It is only of late years that I have become 
attentive to the external things of life, and it will be easy to 
forego them again. For the nimbus of our princely station 
will be first to go, nor have I any great hope for the dignity of 

* After the revolutionary Popular Assemblies convened in several 
of the South-German States, and permitted by the Governments. 


the Peers. Whether things will move quietly, whether we shall 
attain the goal of the political unification of Germany without 
an interregnum of anarchy and horrible bloodshed, seems to 
me very dubious." 

The apprehension of stirring events expressed in these words 
betrays itself also in the following note of April 7, upon the 
proceedings of the Preliminary Parliament at Frankfurt: 

"The Assembly in Frankfurt has passed a resolution that a 
Constituent National Assembly must be convened in Frankfurt 
within the next four weeks. 

"If the German Governments set their hand to this they 
are lost. The Constituent National Asssembly will deliberate on 
the reorganisation of Germany. It will decide whether Germany 
is to be a Republic or a Constitutional Monarchy, whether the 
individual Governments shall continue to exist or not. 

"In the most favourable conditions, the Monarchs will thus 
receive their crowns and their authorisation to continue reigning 
from the hands of the people, with graceful thanks. In less 
favourable cases they will be invited by the Constituent Parlia- 
ment to make way for the Agents of the Provisional Government. 
The existence of the German Governments is therefore respited 
till May I. But who, in the next place, guarantees the result of 
the elections ? Who will control these elections so that the results 
are Conservative? And supposing they are Conservative, if the 
German Governments do receive permission to remain in office, 
would their future existence be anything more than vegetating, 
than a further respite, until the moment when it shall seem 
advisable to some new Assembly to deprive them of this pre- 
carious existence? 

"This is the point to which the wisdom of our rulers has 
brought us ! To this that every right is questioned that has 
been established for centuries. What little the German Govern- 
ments have so far preserved of power and authority will under 
the most favourable conditions become an absurdity on May i. 
But the downfall of the power and authority of the Govern- 
ments, of the legitimate existence on a constitutional basis of the 
States, must involve the irrevocable abolition of the rights of the 
individual, of personal freedom and property ! 

"Now, is this state of dissolution, which we regard as inevitable, 
the outcome of the will of the German people; is it not rather 
the revolutionary minority that is plunging us consciously or 
unconsciously into this abyss? In truth, and I say it with 
a shudder, the slumber in which the German Nation has been 
cradled for thirty years by its rulers is hardly yet out of its 
eyes. The German Nation will wake up indeed when the destroy- 
ing waves of anarchy roll over its head. Then it will marvel that 
a small but active handful of Republicans and Communists have 
succeeded in ruining Germany. Then it will itself pronounce 
the terrible words, 'Too late I' 


"But is it yet too late? A German, who still has faith in 
the energy and goodwill of the Governments, must answer 

"There is still time for the Governments to summon, not a 
Constituent Assembly, but a Parliament. They still have time 
to convene a Chamber of Princes and to appoint a Head of the 
League. The freely elected Deputies will form a People's 
Parliament on the widest basis in conjunction with the Diet. 
An Assembly thus constituted would establish legislation, in- 
stead of subverting it. It is only thus, and along these lines, 
and not by looking on in silent terror that the Governments 
can save themselves, that Germany can become free and united, 
that anarchy can be averted." 

On April 12, 1848, the Prince writes to his sister: "They 
give me an appalling amount to do. To-night at six, I have to 
report on a thing of which I have only just heard the Electoral 
Law of the Frankfurt Assembly." 

On April 13 the plenary sitting of the Upper House 
opened. At the beginning of his address the Prince remarked: 
"With regard to the law in general, I may say that we hail it 
gladly. It is the first significant, one might say the first tangible, 
step that the German people has taken towards the fulfilment of 
its dearest wish. Deep in the heart of every German lives an 
inspiring belief in a unified, free and powerful German Fatherland. 
This belief has issued in action, the wish of the people has 
become a pressing demand. A constitutional path has been 
prepared and smoothed for it by the draft of this Bill. The 
popular Assembly of the Representatives of the People will save 
us from the anarchy which still hovers ominously over the 
Fatherland. Popular representation in the Confederation will be 
the bed in which the waves of general political excitement may 
flow like a torrent. Great will be the contrast with the old 
Bundestag, which certainly also was a bed, but one in which the 
German nation has slumbered for thirty years ... in a sleep 
from which only the furious storms of recent times could 
awaken us." 


MUNICH, May 24, 1848. 

I wrote to you on May 3, but only the beginning of a letter. 
To-day I will attempt it again, because I always feel sad at heart 
on these two days, and you above all others can sympathise with 
me.* It does one good in the wild tumult of political life to plunge 
back now and again into better days, and into their sorrows. It 
gives one the same feeling to go from time to time into a church, 
as I love more especially to do now that the beautiful Offices for 

* May 24 was the birthday of Prince Philipp Ernst, May 3 the day of 
his death. 


May are being sung in the twilight. For in political work, which is 
a thing of great utility and most congenial to me, the soul consumes 
itself, and man turns into an egoistic calculating creature. I 
celebrated this day by an oratorical triumph of which I am very 
proud, and of which I will tell you more when we meet. Our 
Landtag drags on from one day to another, partly because the 
Court wants to gain time and begins to gird itself for action or 

One such reactionary attempt on the part of the Court party 
gave me the opportunity this morning of fulminating against that 
same party, which incidentally helped on our own business.* 

After the Landtag adjourned on June 5, the practical political 
activity of the Prince came to an end, and he became a spectator for 
the rest of the summer. On August 31 he writes of the proceedings 
of the Frankfurt Parliament : "Of political affairs I can only tell 
you that it seems rather a bad look-out for German Unity. The 
time when the iron was hot and unity could have been hammered 
out, was wasted in idiotic, futile prattle, and the separate nation- 
alities, Prussia in particular, are now so reinforced that we are 
farther from unification than ever ! The whole National Assembly 
is ridiculous now. Alas for Germany !" 

WIESBADEN, September 23, 1848. 

The rate at which political conditions alter is shown by the 
outbreak at Frankfurt, where little was wanting to make them 
proclaim the Red Republic. The whole fabric of our social and 
political conditions, especially in the South-West of Germany, 
and wherever Christianity has been non-existent for years, is hope- 
lessly disorganised. Witness the murders of Lichnowsky and Auers- 
wald, of which I have not the heart to write further. It is the most 
shocking deed in history. And yet the blindness of the Germans 
is so great that even the most appalling crimes pass without notice, 
and the entire nation, from sheer wanton stupidity, flings itself more 
surely every day into the arms of barbarism and the overthrow 
of civilisation. To me the political outlook becomes more hopeless 
every day. It needs a sane, vigorous and pious people for the 
resuscitation of a great free Germany, such as I believed in two 
months ago. It is impossible to build up any political system 
where scepticism and doubt have permeated even to the lowest 
classes of society. Social and civil order must necessarily perish. 
In this particular no era presents such marked analogies with our 
own as that of the decline of the Roman Empire. Christianity 

* The Prince's speech referred to the Law of Ministerial Respon- 
sibility. The Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung reports that "Princes 
Wallerstein, Leiningen, and Hohenlohe greeted the law as a welcome 
step forward, but regarded it only as the transition to the realisation of really 
constitutional principles." The Sittings of the Upper House had been public 
since April 19. 


and Civilisation will need to seek another and a sounder people than 
any European Nation. It seems as though God never permitted 
civilisation to reach its climax, lest the poor earthworms become 
too arrogant. 

Notwithstanding these pessimistic conclusions, the Prince did 
not withdraw from political activity. By the law of June 28, 
1848, a "Provisory Central Executive for all general affairs of the 
German nation" was instituted, " until such time as a Paramount 
Executive should be definitely established." Among other func- 
tions, it had "to provide for the international and commercial 
representation of Germany, and to nominate Ambassadors and 
Consuls with that object." 

A circular from the Provisory Central Administration of 
September 20 desired the separate States to recall their foreign 
representatives, or at any rate to make known through them that 
the political representation of Germany for all international affairs 
lay exclusively in the hands of the Imperial* Envoys. "One 
day," we learn from an undated pencil note of the Prince,f "a 
University friend of Heidelberg days came to see me, and informed 
me that the Imperial Ministry proposed to entrust me with a 
mission. The Bavarian Deputies at the Imperial Diet had spoken 
of my activity in the Bavarian Chamber, praising the keen interest 
I had shown in politics. I was warned at the same time, by the 
older and more experienced diplomats, that the new Empire was 
not likely to last long, and they advised me not to embark on a sink- 
ing ship. I did not believe them. I hoped that the Prusso-German 
idea would prevail. The Ambassadors previously despatched by 
the Empire had played but a sorry role, and I imagined in my 
juvenile self-esteem that I should do better and represent the 
Imperial interests more effectively. I was young, and had a 
high-spirited wife, who was eager to travel." A letter from the 
Minister von Schmerling, dated November i, 1848, informed the 
Prince officially that the Imperial Administrator had appointed 
him "to notify his accession as Imperial Administrator at the 
Courts of Athens, Rome, and Florence." A portfolio from Minister 
von Schmerling of November 13 brought the Prince the Letters of 
Notification addressed to the Pope, the King of Greece, and the 
Grand Duke of Tuscany. The Prince was referred for his instruc- 
tions to the documents now forwarded to himj and to verbal 

* Early in 1848 the discredited German Diet convoked from all Ger- 
many the Constituent Assembly known as the Frankfurt Parliament, 
which appointed Archduke John of Austria as "Imperial Administrator" 
for all Germany. The Archduke appointed an Imperial Ministry. The 
Frankfurt Parliament continued to sit as a German Legislature; but the 
whole system broke down within a few months. 

fThe note apparently dates from the last months of the Prince's life, 
and seems to be the only trace of commencement of the work he still 
intended to carry out. 

J These were copies of instructions to the Imperial Ambassador von 
Raumer in Paris, the Envoy Dr. Heckscher at the Sardinian and Sicilian 


communications from the Under-Secretary of State von Biegeleben. 
Among the instructions there is also a circular letter from the Cen- 
tral Executive of November 14, regulating the status and procedure 
of the Imperial Ambassadors so long as the separate States still had 
their accredited representatives. 

The Prince, accompanied by his wife, left Schillingsfiirst in 
November 1848, and went by Belfort, Lyons, and Avignon to Mar- 
seilles, with the intention of embarking there for Civita Vecchia, 
in order to discharge his mission to the Pope in the first place. Herr 
von Schack was assigned to him as his secretary. The news of the 
outbreak of the revolution in Rome, and of the Pope's flight, 
communicated to the Prince at Marseilles by Roman Prelates, 
obliged him to go in the first instance to Athens. Of these events 
he writes on November 29, 1848, to the Imperial Minister for 
Foreign Affairs: 

"You will already have been informed by the papers of the 
events that have occurred in Rome. I will therefore refrain from 
giving you the details imparted to me by eye-witnesses, but I am 
constrained to send you a brief report of the last important 

"There is no possible doubt as to the flight of the Pope from 
Rome as announced in the journals? It is confirmed by the 
verbal accounts of two fugitive prelates of his suite. The Pope 
took refuge with the French Ambassador, on board the 
Tenare, and has left Italy. The direction the vessel has taken is 
at present unknown. The Pope's return to Rome during the next 
few weeks is out of the question. My mission to Rome is ac- 
cordingly an impossibility for the moment, and I have decided 
to go direct to Athens on December i, by steam-packet, so as to 
carry out this portion of my charge at all events in the mean- 
time. Possibly there may be a turn for the better during this 
interval, and the Pope may be recalled by the wishes of the Faith- 
ful, or perhaps order will be restored by the French troops that 
start from here to-morrow. On the other hand, it is conceivable 
that the proclamation of a Republic will be the result of this 
revolution. It is obvious that such an event would materially 
affect policy as regards the question of the Italian war, and the new 
Republican Government might under such conditions manifest 
tendencies that would be subversive of the principles of the Central 
Administration. For while the Central Administration of Germany 
must wish well to the independence and national vigour of Italy, 
and would in no way desire to interfere in the internal affairs 
of the Italian States, still the formation of new and Radical 
Governments in Italy would introduce principles into Italian 
politics which would hardly tend to a peaceful solution of the 

Courts, and the Imperial Commissioners Welcker and Colonel Mosle in 
Vienna and Olmutz, in respect of the position of the Central Administra- 
tion with regard to commercial relations between Austria and Sardinia, and 
with regard to Italian affairs. 


Trans -Italian problem on the lines so far firmly insisted on by 

It is, therefore, essential that I should know whether, in the 
event of the proclamation of a Republic, my mission to Rome 
comes to an end, whether I am to expect a special mission to the 
Holy Father, in the event of his definite removal from Rome and 
the Papal States for a protracted period, and lastly, what further 
instructions will be given me from the Imperial Ministry in respect 
of my attitude towards the Radical Governments in Italy. 

I, therefore, beg your Excellency to forward me the necessary 
instructions to Athens, addressed to the Prussian Embassy. 

On December i the travellers went by the Telemaque to 
Naples, where they lay one day, and then proceeded by the 
Scamandre through the Straits of Messina to Malta, where they 
waited another day. They had a stormy passage round Cape 
Matapan, and only reached the Piraeus on December n, and 
took up their abode in the Hotel d'Angleterre at Athens. 


ATHENS, December 17, 1848. 

Unexpected hindrances detained us on the way from Mar- 
seilles to the Piraeus, so I only arrived here on the nth. Next 
morning I presented my credentials in due form to the Minister 
Kolokotroni, was invited to an interview, and after explaining my 
views received his promise to help me as much as possible. 

The formal audience took place on the following day, the i3th 
of this month. His Majesty the King received me in the Throne 
Room, standing not far from the throne, in the presence of the 
Minister Kolokotroni, the Marshal of the Court and two Aides-de- 
camp. The King listened attentively to my address, which 
corresponded with the text of the document which I was to 
deliver, and replied to it in another speech, in which he pro- 
fessed his sympathy with the Central Administration, touched 
on the international relations between Greece and Germany, and 
expressed his friendly feelings for his Imperial Highness the 
Archducal Administrator. After that the conversation pro- 
ceeded on informal lines, and the King's interested questions 
about German affairs gave me the opportunity of making pretty 
general representations. 

I was invited to dinner on the next day, which was an extraor- 
dinary compliment, according to the etiquette of this Court. On 
this occasion the King, who treated me with marked distinction, 
repeatedly betrayed his keen interest in the new organisation of 

The Minister promises that the audience with his Majesty 
shall appear in the newspaper that is the official organ. I am 
now awaiting the news of the Pope's return to Rome, and the 


directions from the Imperial Ministry which I requested in my first 
report of November 29, in order then to re-embark for Italy. 

The Germans who reside here presented themselves in corpore, 
and expressed their delight in the unificatory movement in 
Germany, as well as in the arrival of an Imperial Ambassador, 
to which I replied with words of recognition and encouragement. 

The reception of the Germans at Athens here alluded to took 
place on December 14. The Prince said in his reply to their 
welcome : 

"You have reason to rejoice over the new development of 
Germany. For the glorious result of this acquired unity of Ger- 
many is that we are no longer a forgotten people, a geographical 
expression ; but that they all know Americans, Russians, Turks, 
and Greeks that they know us for a mighty German nation, that 
has one will and the power to impose it. Gentlemen, I can tell 
you this about German Unity. It has many enemies who grudge 
us our achievement, but it is so firmly implanted in the breast of 
every honest citizen, that no man on earth will succeed in wrench- 
ing it from us. To me this is a profoundly affecting moment, in 
which for the first time I confront my German fellow country- 
men as the Ambassador of the German nation. I owe this 
emotion to your kindly visit, and offer you my cordial thanks." 

On the evening of the iyth there was a Court dinner, and on 
the 1 8th the Prince and Princess rode with the King and Queen. 
On the 1 9th, both attended a diplomatic dinner at the house of the 
Austrian Ambassador von Prokesch. On December 20 they were 
feted by the Germans. The Princess writes of this in her diary : 

"At 8.30 a deputation came with a carriage to fetch us. The 
hall was decorated with German flags. There was a concert, and 
at the end of the first part they gave us Rhine wine, and made a 
speech to Chlodwig, to which he replied. A music-master pre- 
sented me with a polka which he had dedicated to me. We were 
back by 10.30." 

The Prince's speech was about the German nation. "To the 
German people," he said, "in this glass of German wine! 
To the German people with its youthful dreams and manly acts ! 
With its warm inspirations and profound thoughts ! To the 
German people in all quarters of the world ! And to you above 
all, Germans of Athens ! May each day make you prouder of 
speaking German, and of being Germans. Hurrah for the 
German nation !" 


ATHENS, December 23, 1848. 

The great affability with which the King received me gave 
me repeated opportunities last week of discussing political matters 

* Schmerling had resigned his office on December 17. His successor 
was Heinrich von Gagern. 



with his Majesty. German affairs and the new organisation by 
means of the Central Executive were, of course, our principal 
topic. I found his Majesty full of generous sympathy for the 
developing unity of Germany, and if he manifested a prejudice 
here and there in a particularist sense on single points, I hastened 
to remove it by expounding the true views of the Central Admin- 
istration. The receptive manner in which the King listened to 
my explanations, the many expressions of lively interest in the 
Central Executive that fell from his own lips as well as from the 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, all leave no room for doubt that the 
object of my mission is accomplished, and that we have succeeded 
in paving the way to international intercourse between the Central 
Administration and Greece. 

Having thus fulfilled my mission here, I will at once proceed 
to Rome to fulfil my charge to the Pope, if he be not still, as the 
latest accounts say, a fugitive at Gaeta. Since, however under 
these circumstances the Head of the Church and the Temporal 
Government of the Papal States are two separate Powers, and I 
do not hold myself to be charged either with a merely personal 
mission to the Pope or with any mission whatever to a Government 
apart from him, the present moment does not seem to be exactly 
propitious for my entry into Rome. I therefore think it will be 
best to await the moment, which cannot now be very far distant, 
when this difference will be settled, and the Pope returned. My 
first decision was to spend this interval at Athens. But as, after 
the brilliant reception accorded me here, I should fear to weary 
the Greek Court by too long a stay, I have accepted the kind offer 
of the British Ambassador, Sir Edward Lyons, who has put an 
English gunboat at my disposal, to make an excursion to the 
various Greek islands and the adjacent shores of the Mediter- 
ranean. I shall set out on this expedition on the 25th. I beg 
that any communications from the Imperial Ministry may be 
addressed as before to the Prussian Embassy in Athens, so that 
they may reach me promptly according to my directions. 

On December 24 the Prince and his wife spent Christmas Eve 
in the house of the Prussian Envoy Werther. On the 25th the 
Princess had a farewell audience with the Queen. The evening 
was spent with Prokesch, and on the evening of the 26th they 
left Athens. The weather was bad; so bad that the vessel was 
obliged to run for the harbour of Milos. On the 28th the Prince 
notes in his diary: "Still in the Bay of Milos. Continuous rain 
and wind. A comfortable open fire burns in our salon; we 
have plenty of books. The storm howls just as it does at home, 
and calls up happy memories of the past, and a longing 
for home. There is, after all, something cordial and attractive 
about our German Fatherland, despite its snows and storms, 
and political imbroglios. One might, indeed, well be put out of 
conceit with it by the latter." 


Mein Herz, bewegt von innerlichem Streite, 
Erfuhr so bald in diesem kurzen Leben, 
Wie leicht es ist, die Heimat zu aufgeben, 
Und doch wie schwer, zu finden eine zweite.* 

December 29. 

The wind fell a little. But the weather was still too bad for 
us to leave the harbour. The bay in which we are lying must be 
very beautiful in summer. Before us, is a deserted village on a 
hill, spreading to right and left. Behind us, there are fairly high 
mountains which enclose the bay like a lake. But the sea is 
rough for all that. Gulls hover round the ship with their melan- 
choly cry. The whole scene reminds one more of Achenbach's 
sea-pictures of Norway than of the islands of the Archipelago. 
With reading, writing, and whist the time passes pleasantly 

On December 30 the journey was resumed in spite of the sea still 
being very rough. Towards morning on the 3ist, they were in 
sight of Rhodes. "Unfortunately we did not stop, but passed be- 
tween Rhodes and Scarpanto; the sea is not disagreeable." The 
spot at which the Prince entered on the New Year is indicated by a 
still extant entry of the captain: "The position of her Majesty's 
steam vessel Volcano at the commencement of the year 1849: 
latitude 35 4' north, longitude 29 21' east of Greenwich, distant 
324 miles from Jaffa." On January 2, 1849, the snow-covered 
Lebanon lay before the travellers, Mount Carmel just opposite 
them. It was impossible, owing to the rough sea, to land in 
Jaffa ; the ship had to run for Haifa in the Bay of St. Jean d' Acre. 
From that point, the Prince and Princess made a riding tour in 
the Holy Land. On the 3rd they climbed Carmel, on the evening 
of the 4th they were in Nazareth, on the 8th in Jerusalem, on the 
9th in Bethlehem, on the i2th in Ramleh, on the i3th in Jaffa, 
on the 1 5th back at Carmel, where a storm prevented their 


MOUNT CARMEL, January 16, 1849. 

I am more and more convinced of the need for a speedy 
central organisation of Germany. England and Russia are 
extending themselves here as much as possible. The East 
knows nothing of Germany. We must have a German Catholic 
Consul in Jerusalem. Influence in the East would give (i) more 
power to Germany, (2) increase of German commerce and per- 
haps of colonisation. In order to establish this influence, we 

* "My heart, torn with inward conflict, too soon discovered in this 
brief existence how easily one may give up one's home; how hard, alas! 
it is to find another." 


must make use of the religious element of the Catholic clergy. 
More attention must be paid to this. 

January 18. 

The matter of colonisation by German emigrants has often 
been discussed with great vigour in recent years. Projects of 
all kinds crop up and collapse again. None of them will lead to 
any profitable result if not supported by the Central Administra- 
tion itself, and by a Perpetual Commission controlled by the 
Foreign Ministry. Above all, German diplomacy must take it 
up. All emigration, all colonisation, all deporting of men to 
foreign lands even with abundant subsidies is in last resort 
nothing but a convenient kind of traffic in souls, unless com- 
prehensive treaties are concluded between the several Govern- 
ments. If this is effected, if the Central Executive enters into 
diplomatic relations with foreign Governments, there is no reason 
that we should not turn from the distant, already thickly popu- 
lated and not particularly fertile North of America, and come 
back to the East. There are three islands in the Mediterranean 
that have already belonged to European States, and were con- 
quered by the Ottoman Power at the time of its predominance. 
I mean Rhodes, Cyprus, and Crete. Why should we not, in 
view of the immeasurable weakness of the Turkish Government, 
endeavour to win these islands back again, and populate them 
with German immigrants? Cyprus seems to me especially well 
adapted. The shifty, evil, Turkish Government is hastening the 
depopulation of this island year by year. The immigrants would 
find very few inhabitants. The island is one of the most fertile 
of the Mediterranean; all kinds of fruits ripen there naturally. 
The mines of copper and other minerals would give a rich yield. 
Germany could have no more valuable possession than this 
island. All this must of course be taken in hand in as friendly 
a spirit as possible, as, for instance, by purchase from the Turkish 
Government. In the first place, however, a secret agent should 
be sent immediately to investigate the geological, topographical, 
and all other features of the island. If the result of these investi- 
gations is satisfactory, and shows it to be worth while to annex 
the island, Constantinople must then be approached as quickly 
and tactfully as possible. The task of the Central Administra- 
tion in Germany appears to me, in regard to the Eastern question, 
to be, not de se joindre aux intrigues absurdes dont s'amusent les 
diplomates a Constantinople, but to bring about some sort of solu- 
tion of the problem. From the present state of the question 
Germany gains nothing and is only losing time. But if the whole 
affair comes to a crisis, and if Germany is unified, strong and armed, 
she will be able to secure Cyprus, and more besides, in the universal 
partition. Above all, however, may God send reason and a single 
mind to the patriotic babblers, and to the Governments of 
Germany ; above all, we must rid ourselves of the pitiful jealousies 
of parliamentary life, if we hope to impose ourselves upon the 


world with the old German vigour and robustness. But when 
will this come about? If, however, by peaceful negotiations 
with the Turkish Government, or the explosion of the Eastern 
question, we acquire Rhodes or Cyprus, or whatever else, we shall 
thereby obtain a splendid outlet for thousands of the proletariat, 
we shall gain a sea-board and a mercantile navy, marines and 
sailors. Nor must Syria and Asia Minor be forgotten. We must 
do all we can to check the Russians and English there, to which 
end it is essential to send out no Protestant bishops and mission- 
aries, but to make it a station for the Catholic world in the East. 
German Consulates, filled by efficient men, are among the most 
pressing tasks of the Imperial Executive. At the same time, 
better no Consul than a bad one ! A Consul in the East must 
be a Catholic, good at Oriental languages, and experienced in 
commercial affairs, while the Consul-General for our purposes 
must be a competent diplomatist. Up to now, nothing good is 
known in the East of Austria; of Prussia, only that it patronises 
the Protestant bishop and promotes the conversion of the Jews 
at Jerusalem; of Germany, absolutely nothing! It is a most 
humiliating experience to travel in the East as a German. More 
than ever do I deplore the weakness with which the first days 
of the revolution were frittered away, without producing any- 
thing thorough-going and complete at the moment when all the 
separate Governments were helpless. Yet why murmur ! Let 
us endeavour to save what may yet be saved ! 

On the i gth the ship was able to leave Haifa, and lay off 
Alexandria on January 21, 1849. They were in quarantine till 
the 29th. On the 3oth the Prince and Princess were allowed to 
land. They reached Cairo on the 3ist, and made a journey to 
Upper Egypt between then and February 15. From the i6th 
to the 1 9th the travellers made a further stay in Cairo, left on 
February 20 for Alexandria, and occupied the next five days in 
going to Malta. After a quarantine of several days they landed 
at Naples on March 6, and reached Molo di Gaeta on the 9th. 
The Prince found the following letter from the Imperial Minister, 
Heinrich von Gagern, in Naples : 

FRANKFURT, January 3, 1849. 

Your valuable report of the i;th has reached me, and the 
Administrator has heard from me with much pleasure and satis- 
faction of the very cordial reception your Highness met with in 
Athens. . . . Since, for the moment, the Imperial Ministry sees 
no justification for the prolongation of your stay in Athens, I 
am to request you will present yourself to his Holiness the 
Pope, as soon as possible, either at Gaeta or wherever he is 
to be found, to present the Administrator's notification. The 
indefinite, and perhaps ephemeral character of the Provisional 
Government is the reason for this order from the Ministry, and 


to judge from the manner in which the residence of his Holiness 
in Gaeta appears to be organised, I have little doubt that the 
Pope will receive Ambassadors there. From the Papal Court, 
your Highness will next proceed to Florence. I look forward 
with much interest to your despatches. 

January 23, 1849. 

Your Highness will have duly received the despatch of 
January 6, in which I requested you to deliver the Letters of 
Notification of November 12 to his Holiness, at his present 
headquarters. In the meantime I have also had your welcome 
report of December 3 from Athens, and quite approve of your 
journey. As the time of your proposed absence from Athens 
has now elapsed, and I doubt whether the present despatch 
would have reached you there, you will find it at Gaeta, for- 
warded from the Royal Prussian Embassy in Naples, to which 
it is going to-day. Enclosed are: 

(1) Copy of a letter addressed by the Holy Father from Gaeta 
on the 4th inst. to the Administrator. 

(2) The answer of the Administrator, along with 

(3) An open copy, and 

(4) The translation of the same; 

these two last as a preliminary communication to the Papal 
Chancellory of Foreign Affairs. I beg you to hand the answer 
of the Administrator to his Holiness, which can be done 
directly you have presented the Letters of Notification. 

Of these despatches the Prince reports on March 10, 1849: 
". . . I arrived here yesterday, and betook myself this morn- 
ing to Cardinal Antonelli, who, as Prosegretario di Stato, under- 
takes the business of Minister of Foreign Affairs. I handed him 
the letter from the Ministry to the Cardinal State Secretary, 
along with the copy and translation of the Letter of Notifica- 
tion of November 12, and the answer of H.I.H. the Imperial 
Administrator to the letter from the Holy Father of December 4, 
and begged the Cardinal to procure me an audience with 
his Holiness. Cardinal Antonelli expressed his willingness 
to introduce me forthwith, and, after announcing my visit, 
conducted me to the Holy Father, who resides in the same house. 
All etiquette and ceremonial have been very much cut down in 
Gaeta, under the circumstances, so that this audience will be held 
fully adequate, the more so as the other newly accredited Envoys, 
and even the Belgian Ambassador, have been presented in the 
same way to the Holy Father. 

"As soon as I entered, his Holiness welcomed me cordially, 
and after the necessary ceremonial, bade me be seated opposite 
to him and declare my mission. I handed him the Letter of 
Notification, and then the letter from the Administrator of 
January 23, coupling with the latter an assurance of the pro- 


found distress which H.I.H. felt at the recent events in Rome. 
This feeling I expressed, for my own part, in the name of the 
whole of Germany. His Holiness received these words very 
kindly, adding that the firm coherence of the European Govern- 
ments was all the more necessary inasmuch as this was a war of 
barbarism against religion and social order. I then told him of 
the struggle for unification in Germany, which had for its object 
the establishment of civil and moral order, when the Holy Father 
warmly expressed his sympathy with the unification of Germany, 
described the relation between Austria and Prussia as the nodo 
gordiano che vuol essere sciolto, and added that he would pray 
for the happy consummation of German affairs. The Holy 
Father then spoke of matters more personal to myself with his 
own peculiar charm, and the audience came to an end. All 
this, as is now customary in the Papal Court in the absence 
of a proper organ, will be published in the Neapolitan Official 
Gazette. As the Imperial Ministry will already be aware, the 
Grand Duke of Tuscany is here too, but has so far received 
no Envoys. If, however, a French Ambassador intends to wait 
on the Grand Duke here, as is rumoured, I shall regard this as a 
precedent, and deliver my letters. I will enter on the political 
situation in my next report, only stating now that I shall 
associate myself with the efforts of the other diplomatists here, 
to restore the Pope to his independent position in his own 

Report oj March 24, 1849. 

The Prosegretario di Stato of his Holiness the Pope has, at 
my request, communicated to me the documents referring, 
on the one hand, to the position of the Holy Father in regard 
to the usurping Government in Rome; on the other, to the 
relations of his Holiness with the European Governments, 
and the intervention which he desires. The present state of 
the question of intervention is this: on the Pope's request 
for intervention, the four Powers appealed to* declared them- 
selves ready to intervene; the Governments of Spain and 
Naples had previously agreed; the replies from Austria and 
France arrived a few days ago. France, as Cardinal Antonelli 
to-day informs me, has already massed troops ready to embark 
for the coast of Italy. In order to discuss the mode of 
intervention, and the fitting time for it, there is shortly to be 
a conference between the Plenipotentiaries of France, Austria, 
Naples, and Spain, in Gaeta. Even granting a decision to be 
imminent, there is no disguising that the peculiar attitude 
of the French Government towards the National Assembly 
and its relation to Austria might give rise to difficulties of 

* Austria, France, Spain, and Naples. 


all kinds within the conference. The Cardinal State Secretary 
is by no means unaware of this, but believes that he will 
be able to interpose in a conciliatory manner, trusting chiefly 
to the fact that he has treated the whole question as much as 
possible from the religious standpoint, reserving the political 
side of the question till intervention is over. 

No communication has been made to myself, or to the rest 
of the diplomatic body. I shall, therefore, only attempt to 
follow the course of the negotiations, and shall have the honour 
to report further to you at a later date. 

Report from Naples, April n, 1849. 

Since there appeared to be no justification for prolonging 
my stay in Gaeta, I took leave of the Holy Father two days 
ago, and was dismissed with the utmost cordiality. I was 
unable to give the Imperial Administrator's letter to the Grand 
Duke of Tuscany. For although it seems probable that the 
Grand Duke will in the immediate future appoint a Foreign 
Minister and receive Ambassadors, I could not await this 
event, in view of the probably brief duration of the Pro- 
visional Government in Germany. I communicated this to the 
Grand Duke, and was privately received by him. As I am 
sailing for Germany in one of the next packets, I shall shortly 
have the honour of communicating my reports to you by word 
of mouth. 

In a letter dated Naples, April 4, 1849, tne Prince writes to 
Princess Amalie: "My residence at Gaeta in the near neigh- 
bourhood of the noble and excellent Pope was a beautiful 
experience, to be reckoned among the most impressive days of 
my life." 

While still in Gaeta the Prince had received the news that 
King Friedrich Wilhelm IV. had declined the Imperial Crown. 
"Therewith," he remarks in his note, "the fate of the 
Frankfurt Empire was sealed. I took leave of the Pope, and 
of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, to whom I was unable to 
deliver my papers, as he had no Foreign Minister. He said: 
'Greetings to my cousin in Frankfurt!' We went to Naples, 
remained there during the month of May, and returned via Paris 
to Frankfurt." 

After the Prince had been received in audience by the Arch- 
ducal Administrator, and had conversed for an hour, he was 
offered a place in the Gravell Ministry, which had taken 
command in the National Assembly on May 17. He declined, 
on the ground that "he had no desire to take part in a 
Ministry whose only duty was to give the Empire a decent 
burial." The Prince looked hard at the Archduke, and nothing 
more was said about it. 


The close of his Imperial mission marked the close of the 
Prince's active share in politics for the time being. He was again 
for all practical purposes reduced to the role of spectator. The 
impression which the gradual collapse of the national hopes 
and the disgraceful termination of the movement made on 
him appears in the letters to his sister and his speeches in the 
Upper House. 


MUNICH, November 18, 1849. 

. . . My brothers and sisters and I are bound together by a 
rare bond of spiritual affinity, which is practically unknown to 
other folk. I have met with it in few families. Such a spirit 
is rare in the society of the great world. Generally speaking, 
and here in particular, the great world in its heart of hearts 
is very small. Good if you like, kindly, less evil than is com- 
monly made out by country parsons but there is little enough 
behind. It is a rare thing to meet with the noble minds which 
this city must contain as well as any other. In such surround- 
ings I am becoming all unconsciously a democrat; exactly as in 
the Chamber, where I am driven to the Left by the party of 
narrow-minded aristocrats, who are so without any justification. 
For instance, at the last sitting I had to protect the German 
National Assembly against the stupid attacks of a certain 
elderly gentleman. We had an interesting sitting on the German 
question, and I spoke tolerably well before a crowded audience. 
I was gratified at my own coolness and self-possession. It 
is a fortunate thing in these days to have attained the art of 
speaking clearly and without embarrassment before a large 
audience. My very tame discourse was, however, considered too 
anti- Ministerial, and I shall get into disgrace with the Court. 
Kein Verniinjtiger kann zergliedern, was den Menschen wohl 

The sitting alluded to in this letter took place on November 12, 
and was concerned with the attitude of the Bavarian Government 
to the German question, for which the Chamber gave " grateful 
thanks" to the Ministry. This "grateful thanks" referred, as 
the proceedings show, to the disavowal both of the Frankfurt 
Assembly and of the League of the Three Kings. Prince 
Hohenlohe did not abstain from voting, but spoke as follows 
with regard to the League: "Had the question been brought 
before this House while still undecided, had this House been 
asked whether it consented to the establishment of this league, 
I admit that I should have advised that consent should be 
given. I start from the principle that a strong Central Execu- 
tive is a necessity, and from this standpoint I should have 
taken leave to doubt whether the impulse towards National 
Unity could have been fulfilled in any other way than in 


that laid down on broad lines by the League of the Three 

"The German States are collectively constitutional and 
monarchical; no autocratic form of Central Administration is 
therefore conceivable. A Parliament in co-ordination with this 
Central Executive is a generally acknowledged necessity. But in 
my opinion this collaboration of an Executive with a Parliament 
is a very dangerous matter. A Directory of Plenipotentiaries 
for Directors must always be fully empowered a Collective 
Body, in fact, any one of these many-headed organisations of 
the Central Authority will always act according to instructions. 
But when you are dealing with a Parliament it is indispensable 
to act quickly, decidedly, and vigorously. It appears to me 
that such vigour, speed, and decision in execution would not be 
compatible with acting upon instructions. This was our ex- 
perience before, when the Confederation still existed in its earlier 
form, and I do not believe that, hitherto at least, the problem 
has been solved. But to-day I say no more on all these points. 
The question of the League of the Three Kings is for the 
moment closed. It has at any rate passed into a stage in 
which further advocacy is futile. The Bavarian people, through 
its Representatives, has declared against the League of the 
Three Kings. His Majesty's Government has rejected the League 
of the Three Kings, supported by the majority of the Bavarian 
nation. My personal and opposite views (which I felt it right 
to bring forward briefly) must therefore be set aside. It is 
not my duty to blame the Government for doing what the 
majority of the people wills. In a question which affects the 
rights of a whole nation, and the independence of a State, the 
personal, subjective convictions of the individual must be sub- 
ordinated. Yet I know of no other expedient by which the Govern- 
ment could have brought the wishes of the people into harmony 
with the principle of the unification of all Germany. It is 
difficult, almost impossible, to fulfil the wish for national unity, 
and at the same time preserve the entire independence of each 
several State. If unification has gone by the board hi the year 
1848, it is not so much on account of the separate dynastic 
interests as of the enmities of the various German races. That 
is a sad truth, nevertheless it is necessary to avow the truth 
as often as may be. Under such conditions I acknowledge 
that the Government could not have acted otherwise than 
it did." 


MUNICH, December 22, 1849. 

. . . We are just now reading bits of Humboldt's Letters to a 
Friend. In these I find my own thoughts at every turn. 
Latterly, however, I have had very little time for reading 


aloud. My days have been entirely absorbed in the proceedings 
of the Chamber. I was much praised for a successful impromptu 
speech a few days ago. This evenement was the topic of con- 
versation that day. Since the subject is not of universal interest, 
you will not find it in the Augsburger Zeitung. I myself am 
indifferent to these successes. I am glad that I am making 
some progress in this way, because it is very annoying in stirring 
times to be embarrassed intreating a subject by a bad style. But 
I take no pleasure in these things. 

The proceedings of the Chamber, to which these observa- 
tions refer, related to the prosecution of the revolutionaries in the 
Palatinate. During the sitting of December 18, Count Arco- 
Valley termed himself a "drag on the chariot wheels of the Re- 
public," in contrast with "some young hereditary legislators." It 
was his reply to this attack that the Prince calls an "impromptu." 
On the question of the amnesty he says, in a note made at the 
time: "I believe that all who took part in the criminal 
attempts of last spring fall into two categories: 

" (i) Demagogues proper, or professional Radicals. 

" (2) Revolutionaries from transitory motives. 

"We know that a party, a widespread sect, exists which has 
fallen out with the present moral and civil order and is strug- 
gling after another. The study of philosophy, of Hegelianism 
in particular, has brought the leaders of this party to the 
conclusion that Christianity is a lie, the Christian State accord- 
ingly founded on error. They seek to express this truth, as 
they perceive it, in Religion and the State. What positive con- 
tributions they bring us, I have failed after the most strenuous 
endeavours to make out. Wherever they have been constrained 
to practical action the theory that floated before them has in 
the event collapsed, owing to its purely negative character. 
Mazzini in Italy, Pierre Leroux in France, Karl Vogt I 
mention only the most prominent names in the party all have 
so far shown themselves potent in negation only. Grant- 
ing, however, that this party could introduce a new religious 
and social structure, they could do so only after the total de- 
struction of the existing order. And here they encounter the 
resistance of all reasonable men. It is clear that only barbarism 
can result from such a destruction of our present civilisation. 
It is our duty, therefore, to oppose the efforts of the Radical 
party with great firmness. The Radical party is too clever 
to put out its hand in a reconciliation that can do it no good. 
It wants war. It follows that a policy of pardon, or clemency, 
would be weakness. 

"This party, however, has few supporters in the Palatinate. 
Its leaders have nearly all made good their escape. We have 
principally to deal with the second class, those who arc 
revolutionaries, from transitory causes, the politically disaffected, 


whose movements will calm down like the waves of the sea once 
the storm is over. When in years gone by the country was 
filled with enthusiasm for the unity of Germany, men of noble 
character set themselves at the head of the movement, and 
said to the people: 'Have patience, we will create a United 
Germany by constitutional means.' The National Assembly 
was convened, the people calmed down and waited. It waited 
patiently for a whole year. In that year the revolution waned, the 
Governments waxed stronger. Nay, the enthusiasm for Ger- 
man unity cooled in many breasts. Many even of those who 
sat at Frankfurt did not wish to carry through their task. 
When the Constitution was passed with toil and travail, in- 
spiration and excitement stirred again, as in 1848, in many 
breasts. But times had changed. What had been tolerated 
the year before, because no one could prevent it, was now a 
crime. This, however, was incomprehensible to the agitating 
section of the people. They could not know that what had 
brought many an agitator to high honour in March 1848 was 
treason now. They did not know their age. It is hard, in- 
deed, to read the political stars aright, to forecast correctly what 
will succeed or fail. This section of the people could not know 
that the Government was now directed by strong men, able to 
stem the tide of revolution, strong enough to enforce respect 
for the laws. These excited spirits could not tell that the 
time had gone by in which men heard the voice of the populace 
in every cat-call and trembled. That the people did not know 
all this, that they acted on faith in a revolution which no longer 
existed, was the cardinal error committed by most of those who 
are indicted and compromised." 

The Prince's attitude on the disappearance of the last hopes 
of patriotism, as connected with the League of the Three Kings, 
found expression in a scathing article in the Frankfurter 
Journal (No. 71) criticising the King of Wiirtemberg's Speech 
from the Throne. " Through the whole speech," he says, "runs 
an unwholesome strain, telling of the dangers that threaten 
us from without, if the people of Wurtemberg and of Germany 
at large do not follow the paternal admonition of their Sovereigns, 
and cease to pursue the phantom idea of German unity. We 
are told expressly that the realisation of the Federal State is 
impossible 'without infringement of the solemn treaty on which 
our position and independence in Europe, as well as the political 
equilibrium of Europe itself, depend.' We hear of the dangers 
to which the League of May 26 must lead, within, as well as 
without. It is clear, then, to the august speaker that foreign 
Powers might menace our independence, that an interference of 
foreign Powers in our internal affairs is impending. We have 
come to this point, that in a German kingdom political shame 
is utterly laid aside, and the eyes of all Europe may see that 


we no longer venture to propose a Constitution corresponding 
to our needs, but that the casting-vote is to lie with the Powers 
who have guaranteed the contract ! Things have come to such 
a pass that this confession is, and can be, fearlessly made to 
a Democratic Assembly ! Truly, it had been better to be 
silent about 'ancient privilege' in the speech from the Throne, 
if an ancient honour is to be so utterly disowned." 

Shortly before the catastrophe of Olmutz the Prince writes to 
Princess Amalie : 

SAYN, November 16, 1850. 

"... Yesterday I had tea with the Princess of Prussia. 
She was very depressed by the latest political events ; * she is 
so distressed and pained by the deplorable proceedings in Berlin 
that it is grievous to see her. I might compare her to Niobe. 
The comparison is the more justified in that, in the wreck of 
Prussia, she mourns the wrecked future of her excellent and 
promising son." 

* Resignation of Radowitz on November 2 after the "Preliminary 
Meeting" in Warsaw of October 28, in which the Constitution of the 
Union was given up. 



BETWEEN 1850 and 1866 we have no material in his own words 
for a coherent account of the Prince's life and work. He did 
not keep a continuous diary during that time, while his letters 
to Princess Amalie, in which his inner life had expressed itself 
before his happy marriage, naturally assumed another character 
after that event, and were confined to the facts and affairs of 
everyday life. This period again is wanting in the unity given to 
his years of development by the growth of his personality. His 
character was now practically formed, and he was only awaiting 
his opportunity for political action. The times, however, were 
not favourable. The national idealism of 1848 had expired in the 
wastes of reaction, and the former head of an Imperial Mission 
had no prospect of advancement or office from the Bavarian 
Government. Bavaria in the fifties gave no scope for the activi- 
ties of a politician, Conservative by training and social standing, 
yet filled with strong patriotism. It is psychologically interesting 
to see how his craving for political activity gradually induced the 
Prince to that compromise with circumstances in which lay his only 
chance of a political career; how he endeavoured to make his 
peace with the Bavarian Government, and how, by the influence 
of all these external conditions, his own political views gradually 
became modified, and brought him nearer to Bavarian Particu- 
larism. He was a supporter of the Triad idea not from conviction, 
but from a feeling that, in view of the apparent hopelessness of 
the Little German programme, and the obvious impossibility of 
a Great German policy, the concentration of the national forces 
of the South German and Middle German States into a Third 
Germany was preferable to total disintegration and the impotence 
of powerful German Peoples. This Bavarian and Particularist 
tendency is the more remarkable, since it reappears in the sub- 
sequent policy of the Prince when he was at the head of the 
Bavarian Government, and because this very concession to 
Particularism was the underlying principle of the national policy 
which the Premier of Bavaria was to carry out. Only a statesman 
the correctness of whose Bavarian was beyond question could 

VOL. I F 65 


have won the confidence of King Ludwig II., and could have 
inspired that Prince's attitude to the German nation in the great 
and critical questions of its political destiny. 

PARIS AND RUSSIA, 1850-1866 

IN December 1850 the Prince went with his wife to Paris for 
several months. From there he wrote to the Princess Amalie on 
December 15 : 

"We are spending the first week in settling down and visiting 
the different theatres, as this will be impossible later when 
we have evening engagements. The theatres are interesting 
and instructive as regards the language. Madame Rachel and 
Madeleine Brohan at the Come'die-Francaise are both remarkable, 
the latter particularly for her beauty, while the former is beyond 
all criticism, and one entirely forgets her Jewish appearance. A 
melodrama called Palliasse, an excellent thing by Lemaitre, is 
to be given at the Gaite*. The new opera, L'Enfant Prodigue, 
by Auber, is the universal topic of conversation. The story 
is taken from the Bible, and the scene laid in Egypt and Pales- 
tine. A more offensive production than this opera one cannot 
imagine. It concludes with a scene in Heaven itself, with 
angels playing on harps ! The scenery is magnificent, the music 
miserable, and one has to listen for five mortal hours to this 
hysterical outburst. Once ! but never again. I saw Madame 
Sontag in the Barber of Seville; a curious experience, after see- 
ing her the last time in her own drawing-room in Berlin.* 
Our entree into society took place at Madame Narischkine's. 
She made it her special business to introduce us as soon as 
possible, and did it with the greatest kindness and tact. We 
met many old acquaintances from Athens and Naples in her 
salon, so her task was considerably lightened. Next day I was 
presented to the President by the Bavarian Ambassador. The 
rank and file remain in the large drawing-rooms, and persons 
of quality are received in the President's small apartments, 
where I was taken by Wendland. We met the Household in the 
first room, and at the door of the second a little man in the 
Bavarian Light Horse uniform, and wearing the grand cordon of 
the Legion of Honour. This was "le Prince." I was introduced 
to him, and he talked with me of Bavaria. "J'y ai passe ma 
jeunesse a Augsbourg, et fen conserve 1 toujours un tres bon 
souvenir." -\ He spoke of a certain Prince Hohenlohe, whom he 

*Henriette Sontag (1803-1854) had lived in Berlin as the Countess 
Rossi from 1843-1849. 

t Napoleon, from 1816, had lived for many years at Augsburg, with 
his mother Queen Hortense, and attended the St. Anna Gymnasium there. 


had known at Munich. I was next introduced to Princess Mathilde, 
a stout handsome lady in diamonds. Presently the whole com- 
pany made a move and denied into the ballroom, the crowd 
forming a lane through which we had to walk. In the room I 
was presented to Lord and Lady Normanby. Lord Normanby 
is a tall, curly-headed specimen of an Englishman, with a 
perpetual smile and quantities of Orders; Lady Normanby 
stout and phlegmatic, wearing diamonds. Count Hatzfeldt, the 
Prussian Ambassador, whose acquaintance I also made, is a 
Rhenish landed proprietor, dans toute la force du terme; his 
wife, a lively, intelligent Frenchwoman. The Austrian Am- 
bassador Hiibner is a combination of Liszt and Karl von 
Koschentin,* adroit and clever like all Austrian diplomats. 
There were a great many Russians, who are very charming to us ; 
for the rest, extremely polished and uninteresting. 

Yesterday evening we were at the Duchess of Maille*'s, an 
amiable lady with a grey moustache. We had a pleasant recep- 
tion in the small exclusive salon, where we knew nobody; but 
the guests only stay for about half an hour at these small soirees, 
and we went on to Princess Lieven's. This was a most interesting 
experience for me, as we met so many remarkable and celebrated 
people. Guizot, as you can see at once, has a striking personality, 
He is the only man I have seen so far in this Parisian society who 
does not appear to be thinking of something else all the time one 
talks to him. It is really a difficult thing, and denotes great strength 
of mind, to keep one's head in the chatter and bewilderment of a 
Paris drawing-room. Mole* f is a capable man, but very absent- 
minded. Berreyer,J who also was present, but whom I did not 
speak to, looks like a country clergyman. Amongst the ladies I 
saw, I should single out Madame Kalergi for her beauty, Princess 
Grassalkowitch for vigorous old age, Madame Gudin for her 
stout figure and ingenuous conversation. I saw no young 
girls, except a few at the President's ball. Everything here is 
very pre-revolutionary (vormarzlich). My coachman invariably 
answers, "Oui, Monseigneur." Orders are continually worn, 
over everything, and all day long. Life is pleasant and easy, 
and the soirees, of which there are several every evening, are 
short and informal. 

February 4, 1851. 

I am going to a very interesting lecture by Michel Chevalier 
on Political Economy, with Marie, Princess Menchikoff, and 
Frau von Seebach. The College de France is, unfortunately, so 
far off that I can only attend the remainder of the course 

* Prince Karl zu Hohenlohe-Ingelfingen (1820-1890) of Koschentin. 

t Count Louis Mathieu Mold, Conservative Minister under Louis 

% The celebrated orator, Ney's and Napoleon's advocate after the 
Boulogne enterprise. 


(as well as a mad cours de philosophic by Michelet) now and 
again. On Thursday and Friday at half-past seven, at the 
Conservatoire des Arts et Metiers, Blanqui * speaks on Industrial 
Economy. They are most interesting and remarkable lectures, 
but, owing to dinner engagements, I am scarcely ever able to 
attend. It is extraordinary, however, to notice the various 
elements which make up the audience : ladies and gentlemen in 
the reserved seats, and crowds of working men in their blue 
blouses in the amphitheatre. It all has a calming and quieting 
effect on me: I am the poorer of some illusions, but richer in 
thought. Marie feels more and more every day the real worth 
of our quiet life at Schillingsfurst, and has taken a step nearer to 
real peace of mind ; and all these experiences make the quiet of 
our home dearer to us, thus bringing before us our duties in 
the future and opening up the glimpse of a quiet but useful life. 

The last observation refers to an arrangement of the Prince 
with his father-in-law, the Prince of Sayn- Wittgenstein, whereby 
the Prince was to take over the management of a large estate in 
Russia, the property which the Princess and her brother had 
inherited from their mother, born Princess Stephanie Radziwill, 
who died July 26, 1832. The removal to Russia was fixed for 
the autumn of 1851. 


SCHILLINGSFURST, July 24, 1851. 

I have a great desire to go to London, though I do not know 
how I can fit it in with all other my other plans of travel. It may 
not be possible, and I must renounce, with great regret, the idea 
of seeing the Crystal Palace and the great Exhibition. I am 
highly pleased that this enterprise has thrown such a striking 
light on the merits of Prince Albert which have so long been un- 
acknowledged. It is another proof how wrong one is to accept 
so-called public opinion and the judgment of the populace on 
persons of exalted rank. 

To the same. 

RAUDEN, October 4, 1851. 

. . . The longer I am away from Schillingsfurst, the firmer 
grows my conviction that I shall not get back there, and the 
thought of Russia, and all it means, weighs so heavily with me 
that the little affairs of Schillingsfurst do not count. I hardly 
know why I am able to leave Schillingsfurst so easily and how 
I can give up that beautiful, pleasant life without grieving. The 
older I grow, the further recedes the ideal life. Man must 
create, and work, and reasonable beings feel that in their work 

* Political Economist, the elder brother of the Communist. 


lies the source of happiness, and therefore I am thirsting for 
work, because, whatever we do, we are always striving to be 
happy. On that account the life of a South German squire has 
grown distasteful to me, because it is saturated with idleness. 
And the possession of Schillingsfiirst has not been in harmony 
with my nature or temperament, and in fine I thank God that 
He has forcibly taken me from it and has placed me in a new way 
of life, unknown, perhaps difficult and tedious, but suited to my 
character. Forgive me for talking so much of my own thoughts 
and affairs, but it is such a comfort to me, and I hope to you, to 
show you that I hope to do my duty, and not to go through life 


WERKI, October 25/13, 1851. 

We have been here for two days, and I cannot say that either 
country or people have made an unpleasant impression on me. If 
I were ten years younger, and full of hope in life and the realisa- 
tion of one's ideals, it would be most melancholy work to travel 
through this depopulated gloomy country, of which one knows 
not whether its greatness is in the past or in the future. I can 
see in it neither the one nor the other. The country can never 
have been any different in the past, and it will never have any 
future. One must just take it as it is. The majestic solitude of 
the Lithuanian woods, and the cornfields stretching out of sight 
into the distance, have, however, a peace and charm of their own. 
Werki itself recalls Lubowitz or Fiirstenberg. It is like the 
Oderthal, or the Weserthal, only without the villages and with 
more woods and open country. The situation of the castle is 
beautiful, and the castle itself and the park quite English. We 
can make ourselves quite happy here. I went to-day to see 
the Governor- General at Wilna; a very agreeable man. We 
shall stay here for a couple of days and then go further north, 
and hope to be in Petersburg at the end of the month. We 
are to stay there at the Bariatinsky house in which a wing 
has been rented for us. 

The Prince and his family spent the winter of 1851-52 in Peters- 
burg, and in the spring of 1852 went back to Werki. Their 
residence in Russia lasted till the summer of 1853. Unfortunately, 
there are no written records extant of the Prince's life at this time. 
Letters from the Princess Elise, who lived during the summer of 
1852 with her brother, give a picture of the home life at Werki. 
A few extracts from these letters, which the Princess has kindly 
allowed to be published, may be inserted here. 

* The Prince's youngest sister, born January 6, 1831, married in 1868 
to Prince zu Salm-Horstmar. 


WERKI, June 26, 1852. 

The castle stands high, and there is a pretty view of the 
River Wilia, as it winds through the valley below. I can only 
see a tiny bit of it from my room, as it is on the ground floor, 
and the maples which grow all over the mountain hide the view 
from me. Bushes grow thickly in front of my window, and 
between these and the trees, which grow on the slopes of the 
mountain, is a lawn, surrounded by a gravel path. From the 
drawing-room window above, one can see over the trees to a 
little lake, lying at the foot of the mountain, entirely surrounded 
by foliage. To the left of the river are houses covered with 
creepers, which belong to Werki. The finest thing here is the 
terrasse. In the garden, at the foot of the mountain, a room 
has been built, with an iron balcony. Under a large lime-tree 
are chairs and benches, and one has a beautiful view of the 
river. A white Greek church can be seen on its bank, and on 
the hills behind the wood Wilna lies very prettily. It looks very 
near in fact it is only half-an-hour's drive. The road leads 
straight from the river between fir-trees to the mountain. The 
whole horizon is bounded by the dark wood. Morning is the 
most beautiful time on the terrasse. The sky and air are as 
clear as in September. I have not seen any peasants, as 
none live here. The houses are all inhabited by artisans who 
are all well-to-do. Beggars with petitions sometimes come into 
the garden; they are generally from distant places, and bow 
themselves almost to the ground. 

June 28. 

I am sitting in a summer-house near the terrasse: it is a 
circular room with glass doors all round. On the side where I 
sit I can see only pine-trees, and hear the wind rustling in the 
wood and the ravens croaking. There are so many here. Except 
at Schillingsfurst, I have never seen any place where there are 
so many beautiful walks as here; every day after lunch Marie 
shows me a new one. To-day we drove some way over a wooded 
hill. Then we alighted and followed a green, sunny path between 
the immense pine-trees. Every moment you came on a white 
chapel, thickly surrounded by trees. Not far off is the Calvary 
Hill, where the Catholic church is built. We climbed up to 
it before we came away. From there we could see the white 
castle with its tower peeping out from the thick, dark wood 
like a fairy palace; round it, nothing but wood. Wildness and 
loveliness are united here. If the dark woods make one sad, 
the blue clear water of the river refreshes, and the pure air 
braces one. The air to-day felt like the sea, but the house is 
gloomy, close, the passages dark and close, the rooms high, but 
most of them narrow. The whole house is cramped, with no 
side wings. A tower stands at one end, and at the other a winter 
garden, full of beautiful palms and all kinds of plants. Both 


Chlodwig's room and Marie's bedroom open on to turret stair- 
cases. In the former we always drink tea in the evening. At 
two o'clock I read to Marie just now Say's Political Economy 
and at four o'clock we dine in the high, bright-lit Rittersaal. 

July 22. 

At night, when I have put out the light after I have been 
with Chlodwig, I often feel very happy that I can be his com- 
panion and proud that he shares his thoughts with me and 
my heart is full of love for him. 

July 24. 

This evening we have been reading Liebig's Letters on 
Chemistry, at least the doctor reads to us and explains to us 
the properties of oxygen, carbon, &c. Chlodwig sketches mean- 
while, and Marie and I work. I stayed with Chlodwig for a 
quarter of an hour after the reading. This hour and my solitary 
morning hours in the garden are the happiest in the day. 

September 5. 

Chlodwig has been away since the 2nd on a visit to another 
property, where he will get some shooting. He will return in a 

October 8. 

Chlodwig came back again on the 4th, but, unfortunately, he 
only shot one elk. He looks very well, however, after his time 
in the woods. Since his return, life in the house is quite different. 
The days are much fuller. I always admire Chlodwig when he 
takes Elizabeth * on his knee, and draws for her. It is a beautiful 
picture to see their faces, his full of tenderness bending over her 
curly head, while she strokes his cheek with her little hand. 
After she had gone to bed Chlodwig began to read aloud to 
us Ihr nahtenchweider, Schmanheude Gestalten. A whole world 
burst upon me in that book. After tea, the doctor came again 
to read to us. He has been explaining the structure of the eye 
to us, illustrated from a bull's-eye. The end of the day brought 
a talk with Chlodwig, which would have been comforting if I 
had not noticed that he was troubled about something. That 
always makes me unhappy. One morning I was teaching Eliza- 
beth her alphabet; she is always so inattentive, but I try not 
to be impatient, and go over the same letter thirty times, as if 
I were singing a melody. It was successful, for she suddenly 
began to take it in. Chlodwig looked at us a moment kindly 
before going to his business, and said, "That is a good system." 
It was quite enough to make me happy and contented for the 

* His eldest daughter, born November 30, 1847. 


Memorandum to the PRINCE. 

July 3, 1853. 

The present activity in physical science, brought about by 
an advance in knowledge undreamed of by former generations, 
has revealed to the student the entire impossibility of a union 
between faith and knowledge. So, the school of natural science 
declares war on transcendentalism, and banishes the transcen- 
dental to the sphere of belief. 

Thus, we find ourselves in a dangerous position. 

It is well known already that educated men are either devoid 
of faith or accept the church and follow her ordinances without 
real conviction, as a matter of form. But are not the two things 
identical? Is not that form of belief which follows the rules of 
the Church without inner conviction of their truth merely phara- 
saical? I know, of course, that many thoughtful men, and men 
of real feeling, subscribe to this form of religion. But will such 
conventional homage to the Church endure? Will not the effects 
of this knowledge without faith spread to those classes of society 
which can have no interest in subordinating themselves to the 
Church and her dogmas, to the discipline and mortification 
which she imposes? Will not a total collapse be the end, or 
rather has it not even now begun to spread among the lower 
classes? Most people are still living in the pleasant illusions of 
transcendentalism, and the discoveries of natural science, made by 
the modern school, at present only affect scientific circles. But 
will this last? And if this result comes about, we must face the 
bankruptcy of faith, a catastrophe which must infallibly lead to 
the collapse of the whole structure of modern civilisation. For 
all that it would be childish to regret the discoveries of natural 
science. They are for a wise and useful end, because they 
have their place in the development of mankind. One thing 
is needful. We must not close our eyes to facts. We must 
not weep over humanity, nor laugh; we must strive to under- 

The following undated note appears to belong to about the 
same period: "At the present time we see the conviction grow- 
ing more and more that knowledge and faith must be completely 
separated. In consequence of the spread of this conviction, 
Protestantism, so far as it has attempted a reconciliation be- 
tween Science and Dogma, has lost ground. The educated man, 
who feels the necessity of church and religion, drifts without 
conviction to the Catholic Church because it meets the demands 
his reason makes for a coherent dogma. So the doubting part 
of mankind will get nearer and nearer to Catholicism. But will 
the establishment of something that will endure follow this? 
Will men be satisfied with a form of dogma which they accept 
from necessity, but without inward conviction, simply because 


they yearn for a definite form of faith? I do not believe it; 
but I believe that mankind will create for itself a form of faith 
adapted to it, and become religious again." 

In the year 1853, owing to a difference of opinion with 
his father-in-law, the Prince resigned the management of the 
Lithuanian estates. The family returned to Schillingsfurst and 
took up their residence there for the next few years. The life 
at Schillingsfurst was interrupted by wintering in Munich for 
parliamentary business, and frequent long journeys. The Prince's 
work in the Upper House, and the observations which his travels 
enabled him to make on European politics are recorded in the 
following notes. 

ROME, 1856-57 

The Prince's family, during the winter of 1856-57, lived in 
Rome, where his brother, Prince Gustav of Hohenlohe, was at 
that time Papal Chamberlain. A few extracts here follow from 
the Prince's diary during his residence in Rome, which give 
interesting information on the conditions and personalities of 
Roman society. 

ROME, December 2, 1856. 

I am growing to understand better the separation that exists 
between the Jesuits and their followers, and their opponents 
among the clergy. In the severance of the clergy from lay 
society, in their renunciation of all that makes life pleasant for 
ordinary men, in their independence of the existing institutions 
on which our present social hierarchy is framed, the former 
see the salvation and future welfare of the Church, while the 
other party claim to take man as they find him, make allowance 
for the existing class differences, and count, not on the de- 
struction of existing social conditions, but on their continuance. 
The Jesuits, on the one hand, are preparing for the collapse of 
society. On the other their opponents don't believe in it, but 
intend to uphold social order and to identify themselves 
with it. 

December 12. 

This afternoon we took various walks through the town; in 
the evening several priests came to see us first the good Abbe* 
de Geslin; then clever and energetic Pere Etienne Djunkowsky, 
Prefect of the North, who talked to us of his experiences in Lap- 
land. He too is at war with the Jesuits. I hear more every 
day of fresh intrigues amongst this Order, and am beginning to 
lose the good opinion I had of their efficiency. 


December 17. 

I went later to see Theiner,* who talked to me of his work 
at the archives, which he found in the greatest disorder. He 
had arranged everything with German exactitude, and intends 
to make himself very useful to the Holy See. Up till now, all 
the archive keepers had only made use of their office as a stepping- 
stone for their own advancement, to nunciatures, &c., and had 
left the archives to take care of themselves. . . . 

December 18. 

At eleven o'clock a Te Deum was sung for the King of Naplesf 
to return thanks for his happy escape. We were invited by the 
Neapolitan Charge d' Affaires. We arrived rather late and went 
to the diplomatic gallery, which was erected near the high altar. 
The whole Corps diplomatique was there, including several ladies. 
Close by was a tribune for the Roman princes, in the centre a 
small, high one for Queen Christina of Spain. The high altar 
was splendidly lighted with immensely long candles, and the 
whole ceremony, with the assisting Dominicans in white, was 
most impressive. The music left much to be desired. 

ROME, January 27, 1857. 

This afternoon I went to see Gustav in the Vatican. I found 
a Franciscan with him, Father Petrus, a Dane. In the middle of 
our talk the Pope was announced ; I fled to the inner room, the 
monk into the chapel, and Gustav went to meet the Holy Father, 
who came in with Stella and Merode and established himself in 
the salon. I soon heard my name mentioned, and the Pope asked 
that I should come in, so I appeared, stood near him, and assisted 
at a lively conversation on different subjects. We talked of the 
ceremony at San Pasquale, then of chapter-houses and canonesses, 
of Neufchatel, China, Persia, &c. The Pope inspected the whole 
of Gustav's apartments with much interest, and spoke also to the 
Franciscan, who made his appearance, and was very bright and 

February i, 1851. 

This morning at half-past seven Mass was said in the Chapel 
of the Blessed Sacrament at St. Peter's, at which the Pope ad- 
ministered communion. We made haste, to be there in time. 
It was a clear, bright morning, and the rising sun shone magnifi- 
cently on the pillared church. The Pope said Mass in a remark- 
ably strong voice. Then he administered communion to some 
ladies, and a few men came also. I did not present myself, 
because I hope to make my communion in the Pope's private 
chapel, which will be far better than in this crowd. 

*Augustin Theiner (1804-1874) was appointed as Prefect of the 
Vatican archives in 1855 through Prince Hohenlohe's influence. (See) 
Allgemeine Deutsche Biographic^ vol. xxxvii. p. 674. 

f Ferdinand II., on whose life an attempt was made on December n. 


February 8. 

To-day at eleven o'clock I went to the Gesu Church to hear 
an Italian sermon. The preacher was a Jesuit, very clear and 
choice in expression. He had set himself the task of refuting 
the opinion that it lowers the dignity of a man to submit his reason 
to the Church. 

March 7. 

We did not come here merely as sightseers, but principally to 
make a position for ourselves and Gustav in society, and so to be 
of some use to him and, in general, to those who have been 
mediatised ; so the first few days, which were spent in apparently 
frivolous amusement, had for us a deeper significance. To-day 
we have been busy with preparations for a soiree we are giving. 
It was only an experiment on our part, and for that reason we 
invited none of the really important Roman people, but rather 
the more fashionable part of society, who know each other 
well, in order to have an amusing evening to serve as a kind of 
bait for future occasions. It was a great success, and, as we 
had the Duchessa Zagarolo, the Marchesa Calabrini, some 
Russian ladies, and a good many men, there was much brilliant 
conversation which has given our salon a cachet and has estab- 
lished our position in society. They did not leave till one 
o'clock, which is a proof of the success of the evening. 

March 8. 

At half-past four we went to the Church of St. Ignatius, where 
a so-called Jesuit mission is established. On a raised dais sat 
two Jesuits, carrying on an argument. One of them represented 
Ignorance, and the other Learning, and they were disputing on 
ethical topics. Their subject for dispute to-day was the habit 
of swearing. While the dotto explained the sin of imprecazioni, 
the ignorante on his part saw nothing very terrible in it. The 
public cheered the latter, who played his part most naturally. 
No doubt this kind of discourse makes an impression on people 
in this part of the world. 

March 16. 

A dinner-party. King Max was detained, and only came as 
the other guests were leaving. After he had gone I hastily got 
into my uniform, and went with Marie to two ricevementi. Car- 
dinal Geissel of Cologne and Cardinal Haulik of Agram, who 
have come to be invested with their hats, held their receptions or 
ricevementi. Geissel received in Cardinal Reifach's apartments in 
the Palazzo Santa Croce, Haulik in the Palazzo di Venezia. The 
most brilliant ricevemento was Cardinal Haulik's. The whole 
palace was ablaze with light. Two bands played waltzes, &c., 
before it in turn, a crowd of foreigners and natives in uniform 
filled the staircase, and the salons were filled to overflowing. 


Countess Colloredo did the honours for the Austrian Cardinal, 
and all the Roman ladies came in their most gorgeous diamonds. 
After a long wait we found our carriage and left to go to Salviati, 
where we found all our friends sat assembled. 

Sunday, March 22. 

At half-past four I went to San Agostino, where I expected 
to hear a sermon. As I entered I was surprised to hear the 
murmur of voices talking. But as I approached the mystery 
was explained. The church was full of groups of children; 
boys with priests who sat and catechised them, little girls being 
instructed by well-dressed girls of the bourgeois class, and older 
girls in charge of an aged priest. They were all very earnest 
and serious, rapt attention on the part of the pupils, while the 
fervour of the teachers was most edifying. Elder people sat 
near and listened. This instruction, which is given in many 
churches on Sundays, is a delightful sign of the religious life of 
the people, which should not be judged by certain scenes which 
may be witnessed in St. Peters, and is more practised here than 
in many other countries. When I left the church and walked 
further, chance took me to the Church of San Luigi de' Francesi, 
where I heard a sermon by Pere Chevreaux, very able and full 
of feeling, on the difference between religion and philosophy. 
The sermon was so interesting that I stayed to the end. It 
was still raining, so I strayed into another church, San 
Apollinare, which was empty; then to the Piazza Capranica, 
to the Church of the Orfanelli. Here were many people 
waiting for the sermon. On a little platform was a red silk 
arm-chair and a table, and after some time a priest came, 
sat down in the chair, and began a sermon or rather, a lesson 
on confession, which is heard all the week at five o'clock. The 
priest spoke clearly and simply, in a remarkably pleasant 
manner. I would willingly have stayed to the end, but as it 
was nearly half -past five I had to come away. 

March 24. 

After dinner I went to the Vatican, to keep Gustav company 
in the Anticamera. It gives me fresh pleasure every time I 
go up the old Vatican staircase in the growing darkness, past 
the Swiss Guards in the great court of the Loggie. It is all so 
quiet and solemn, in the warm spring air, with the starry sky 
above and the high columns and galleries. The anteroom was 
as usual hushed and empty. Here we talked while the Pope 
gave an audience in the neighbouring room. 

March 29. 

As I had heard that there was to be a good preacher at the 
Church of Santa Lucia del Gonfalone, I went there at ten o'clock. 
After the Gospel (during Mass) a priest sat down in an arm-chair, 


before the altar, and began in a simple, clear, and logical way to 
speak on confession. He was so impressive that I was only sorry 
there were so few people to hear him. There were barely twenty 
or thirty in the congregation. I have seldom heard anything so 
perfect. It was one of those discourses which makes an irre- 
sistibly pleasant appeal to the heart of every hearer. Not one 
learned word, no rhetoric, no fine phrases. It was a fresh 
proof of the Roman Church's tender care for souls. 

I had arranged with Gustav that I should go to see him at 
Frascati, where he went yesterday. As the carriage was closed, 
and the day beautifully fine, I sat on the box by the coachman 
and drove to Frascati through the Campagna which looked 
lovely in the morning light. At the Hotel de Londres I heard 
that Gustav had gone the night before to the Camaldolites. 
I breakfasted at once and ordered a horse, to follow him 
there. It is barely three-quarters of an hour from here, 
by scattered farmhouses and gardens. At every step the 
landscape seems to widen out. Rome soon appears in the 
distance, beyond is the sea, to the right the mountains in all 
their morning freshness, below is the green hill of Tivoli. I soon 
reached the heights, and before me was the convent of the Camal- 
dolites. A porter in a white habit came to meet me, and con- 
ducted me to the Prior, where I found Gustav and another of 
the monks. Only the Prior and this monk speak and show them- 
selves; the other monks live like hermits in their little houses, 
and assemble only at midnight in the choir to sing. We sat by a 
fire in the large room, as it was pretty cold. The warmth of the 
fire attracted a scorpion, which glided to my feet, but the Prior 
seized it with a pair of tongs and threw it into the flames. After 
a little conversation they offered to show me the church and the 
convent, which offer I accepted with pleasure. The church is not 
particularly interesting. The monastery consists of rows of tiny 
houses, where each monk lives alone. He has a room containing 
a bed and other furniture, and a tiny study and chapel adjoin- 
ing. They also showed me where Gustav stays when he comes 
for any length of time: a pretty little house, with a charming 
garden and a view of Rome, the sea, and the Campagna. 

After I had seen everything, and had been loaded with 
roses by Father Lorenzo, Gustav and I rode back to Frascati, 
stopping on the way to see the Villa Falconieri, which belongs to 
the Cardinal, last of the Falconieri, and where one sees an 
interesting collection of family portraits painted al fresco. At 
Frascati we got into Gustav's carriage and drove round by Marino, 
where we saw the cathedral to Castel Gondolfo. Here we climbed 
up to the garden, and walked through the shady paths to the 
Papal villa. The interior is exceedingly comfortable for a 
Papal palace. I was much interested in a picture by a Neapoli- 
tan painter of the fall the Holy Father had at Sant' Agnese, 
where all the misfortunes of the Popes are painted. I also 


saw Gustav's room, with its beautiful view of the sea. From 
here we went down to Albano, lunched at the "Post," and rode 
afterwards through Ariccia to Genzano, where we strolled in the 
beautiful Cesarini Park. Then we rode back to Albano. It was 
then half -past five, and we had to make haste to get home. The 
Vatican coachman took us back in less than two hours. As we 
passed the Coliseum the moon was so bright that we were obliged 
to stop and go in. It was wonderfully calm and restful, and the 
ruin solemn and impressive. 

Palm Sunday, April 5, 1857. 

At nine o'clock we went to St. Peter's, to attend the solemn 
High Mass. There was an immense crowd of people, but the 
church is so vast that the twenty or thirty thousand persons 
who were there did not nearly fill it. For the first time we took 
possession of our tribune, the one which has been erected for 
mediatised princes near that reserved for reigning Sovereigns. 
We were quite close to the Pope and could see the ceremonies, 
especially the distribution of palms, very comfortably. In the 
Royal tribune were the King of Bavaria, Queen Christina of 
Spain, the Crown Prince and Princess of Wiirtemberg, and 
Prince Karl of Prussia. They were all attended by brilliant 
suites. As the question of precedence was not decided, I had to 
forego the right of receiving a palm from the Holy Father's hands. 
The Mass lasted till half -past one. 

I was summoned at half-past eleven to an audience of the 
Holy Father, and made my appearance punctually. The ante- 
rooms were full of people waiting for the Pope, in view of his 
impending departure. Some deputations were received first, 
then Cardinal Roberti, and I came next in order. The Pope 
was as before exceedingly friendly and kind. As I saw that he 
waited for me to speak, I began at once saying that I had come 
to ask him for his blessing before he went away, to thank him for 
his goodness, and to recommend Gustav specially to him. He 
answered very kindly, spoke of Gustav's illness, and remarked 
that "he hadn't my constitution." Then he spoke of the audience 
which he had given Marie and Princess Leoville *; of other things 
also, and then dismissed me. I kissed his hand, and he remained 
standing until I got to the door. He was particularly cheerful 
and kind in his manner. 

May 4. 

As the Pope had decided to leave to-day for Loretto, I went 
at six o'clock in the morning to see Gustav, whom I found on 
the point of going to the Holy Father. We had, therefore, only 
a moment together, and then separated. I went home, and 
called for Marie to go to St. Peter's. There we found the Pope 
already saying Mass at the High Altar. We stayed to hear it, 

* The second wife of the Princess's father, nee Bariatinsky. 


and also the other Mass which the Pope stays to hear after 
saying his own, and then saw Gustav for a moment in the church, 
while the Pope breakfasted in a room close by, which has an 
entrance to the church under the monument of the Pope Alexander 
VIII. We then hurried to the church door, to see him as he 
went out. Many soldiers were drawn up in the Piazza.. Among 
them we saw the Pope's travelling-carriage and the post-horses 
standing ready. Shortly after 8.30 the Pope left the Basilica 
with his suite. As he passed near, and Paur told him that we 
were there, he kindly came up to us and gave us his blessing. 
We went down the steps with the suite and saw him into his 
carriage. Cardinal Antonelli kissed his hand to him. He gave 
his blessing to the crowd from his carriage and then drove away 
through the Porta Angelica. Gustav rode in the second carriage. 

The diary has the following notes on the Roman society of 
that period : 

"In speaking of Roman society, one has to divide it into 
three distinct groups: Roman society proper i.e., the Roman 
aristocracy the Diplomatic Corps, and the foreigners. Roman 
aristocratic society is one of the best in the world. The good 
breeding which is a peculiar and inborn characteristic of the 
Roman people, this fine feeling for good form natural to all the 
higher classes, is specially developed in the aristocracy and gives 
to society a polish of manners and behaviour which makes a 
most agreeable impression on all persons of taste. There is a 
certain stiffness which strikes one at first, but disappears on 
further acquaintance, and there remains in intimate relations 
an impression of exquisite reserve and courtesy. There is not 
much education among the higher classes. The men, with few 
exceptions, are very ignorant. The women are more cultivated 
though their education is very imperfect. The men do not go 
to public schools, or try in any way to acquire knowledge. When 
a young man has got beyond the elementary stages and knows 
a little French his education is at an end, and he is turned out 
into the world very carefully dressed. A few go on to study at 
the Universities. They have no prospect of making a career 
for themselves, so they have no incentive to complete their 
education. They drive about the streets and the Pincio, and 
flutter from one party to another; they serve their time in the 
Guardia nobile if their rank entitles them; they marry as early 
as possible if they have any prospect of an independent position, 
and enjoy life. For the most part they are harmless creatures, 
the more accomplished in all the ways of their world as that 
world is the end and aim of their existence, careful as all 
Romans are to avoid the difficulties and dangers of life, and 
much astonished if they hear that there are people who have 
ample means and yet give themselves up 'to drudge and slave 
and die in their travail.' 


"The women have mostly a French education, but a few of 
the younger ones an original Italian cultivation, with some 
acquaintance with their own authors, and an interest in their 
own country and its history. Their knowledge comes little to 
the surface, however, as they fear above all things to be called 

"Their morals are, on the whole, good. At least one doesn't 
see much wrong in society. Flirtation, so called, is tabooed. 
One may guess that certain relations exist between men and 
women one meets in society, but there is very little to be seen. 
I am only speaking now of the highest classes, i.e., the Roman 
princes; of what goes on in the mezzo ceto (middle-class society) 
I cannot say. The nobles of the second rank, who are admitted 
into this patrician society and are on sufferance there are not 
of much account, and all kinds of scandalous gossip is current 
about them. 

"Family life amongst the Roman aristocracy is still quite 
patriarchal. They all meet together for prayers, morning and 
evening, in the best families. Marriages are not made from 
inclination, but are arranged by agreement between the heads 
of the two families, et les jeunes gens ne s'en trouvent pas plus mal. 
Extravagance in a young girl in the best families is impossible. 
When a marriage is arranged all the details of daily life are set 
down in the contract, so that the young couple have their exist- 
ence mapped out for them, and not only the amount of the 
dowry is known, but also the amount of their expenditure, how 
often they may go to the theatre, how much travelling they can 
afford, how many servants, horses, and carriages they can 
keep, &c. &c. This is necessary as marriages are contracted 
very early, and husbands and wives are mostly of the same age, 
and equally inexperienced. 

"Nor are these peculiarities confined to the aristocracy. 
With some modifications the same customs are found among 
the lower classes also, and these last think it perfectly correct 
that the same habits should prevail amongst the aristocracy, 
only on a different scale. The Roman aristocracy, with all 
their faults, have a greater regard and respect for the lower 
classes than we have in Germany, and are more in touch with 
them. The envy of the higher classes and the democratic 
revolutionary spirit which with us extends through all society 
exists here only amongst the heads of the revolutionary societies, 
and not in the hearts of the people." 


THE YEAR 1859 

Early in the year 1859 the Prince went to Berlin to make 
himself personally acquainted with the trend of the new Prussian 
policy and with its leading spirits. The following notes give 
some of his impressions : 

Political Notes made in Berlin, 1859. 

Formation of a Ministry. Prince von Hohenzollern is con- 
sidered to be able to supply just what the Prince of Prussia fails 
in, i.e., a capacity for business and strength of character. This 
will counterbalance the influence of Herr von Auerswald, whom 
people regard as untrustworthy, deceitful, and too liberal in his 
views. He is in debt, is lazy, and not respected in private life. 
Herr von Patow is a good man of business, who understands his 
work, and has gained the confidence of the Conservative party. 
Bethmann-Hollweg is in opposition to the Extreme Orthodox 
party, without being a Nationalist. Herr von Bonin has not 
the confidence of the Army, which regards him as too Liberal. 
Herr von Voigts-Reetz has been appointed to the Ministry of 
War, to pacify the Army. The indolence of the Ministers is a 
great hindrance to the necessary reorganisation of the Army. 
Flottwell is too old, and must soon resign. Arnim Boitzenburg 
will only come in on the understanding that Auerswald resigns. 
The Prince Regent is opposed to this, as Auerswald is his friend. 
Schlenitz has gained the confidence of the Diplomatic Corps. 

BERLIN, February 17, 1859. 

The Prussian Cabinet wishes to keep the peace, as it has no 
desire to begin a national war, which would end (and end indeed 
happily) in arranging terms for a national peace that is, that 
through a war the nation in co-operating would have a right to 
a hope whose realisation they regard as very inconvenient. 
They are taking the greatest possible trouble to weld together 
the concert of Europe, which has gone to pieces, but they have 
the following obstacles to overcome: 

(1) The untrustworthiness of Napoleon III. 

(2) The political incapacity, incivility, and falsity of the 
Austrian Cabinet. 

(3) The displeasure of John Bull, who sees his trade is being 
injured by the chicanery at Paris, and is not disinclined, even 
if it costs money, to make a clean sweep of the whole uncom- 
fortable business. 



(4) The hatred between Austria and Russia, who might 
avenge herself for the attitude of Austria at the time of the war 
in the East with a little blood-letting in Italy. 

Thus it appears that for the moment war can be avoided, 
that most probably it will be postponed for a time, but that 
it will, in all probability, come sooner or later. The Duke of 
Coburg is here and is working for reconciliation; he is an active 
man, and in any case will be useful. 

February 26, 1859. 

Prussia is now in a particularly favourable position. Her home 
policy has won over public opinion in Prussia and all Germany. 
Austria is in a dangerous position, as the middle-sized and 
the small German States look to Prussia as their natural leader 
in the hour of need. This fact is very well known here. Prince 
Hohenzollern troubles himself very little about the small States, 
but takes his own way quietly. The warlike tone of speakers 
in the South German Chambers is disapproved of here. 

March 8. 

Meanwhile Austria has succeeded in disposing public opinion 
in the South German countries towards war. Prussia, on the 
other hand, has somewhat isolated herself by presuming on her 
strength. A rapprochement with France and Russia had been 
making itself felt. This was made the most of by the Prussian 
party, which is hostile to Austria, and it forced the Government 
into the dangerous position of a possible alliance with France. 
The news of peace has saved Prussia from this danger. The 
Austrian circular of February 22 is regarded as a threat, and there 
is ill-feeling about it. Owing to the peace, Prussia is in a position 
to climb down again, and public opinion, which began to turn 
against her in these last days, will calm down. For the rest it 
appears that people still see traces everywhere of u a longing for 
the hegemony of Germany." An inclination to a " Gothic" 
policy does in fact exist, and may not impossibly manifest itself 
more clearly in the near future. The position of the middle- 
sized and small States will be very difficult. 

March 14. 

A really Little German policy, such as was attempted in the 
year 1849, does not appear at the present moment to be aimed at 
here at least. All things are narrowed down to mistrust of Austria 
and small jealous quarrels. No positive policy would be carried 
out. The Ministry contains no statesmen. This was obvious 
during the debates in the Upper House. The expression of a 
large section of public opinion in Prussia may be found in a 
pamphlet called Prussia and the Italian Question* Thoughtful 

* By Constantine Rossler. 


men grieve over the irritability of this Prussian vanity, and that 
on the Austrian side they do not go to work more cautiously, 
when it is a question of drawing up despatches relating to German 
affairs, and it is much to be wished that in this connection some 
good advice might be given from Bavaria. 

March 22. 

The rumour of a European war is spreading. The Ministry 
is not stable. It wants a strong Minister of the Interior, and an 
orator, also another Minister of Commerce is very necessary. 

March 27. 

I was surprised to see myself mentioned in an article in the 
Allgemeine Zeitung, as a Bavarian Minister of the new era, the 
chief of the Ministry of the future. Whether the King of Bavaria 
will take this view I do not know. . . . 

March 3. 

. . . Further news from Munich gives me some hope that the 
Ministerial cup will pass me by. 

Notes on a visit to England in June, 1859. 

The occasion of this visit was a request from my aunt, Princess 
Feodora von Hohenlohe-Langenburg, that I should accompany 
her. She was sent for on account of the illness of her mother, 
the widowed Duchess of Kent.* As the Prince von Langenburg 
was ill, and her sons were engaged with their military duties, the 
Princess was naturally anxious to find another relative to act as 
travelling companion, and her request gave me an opportunity 
of seeing England at this period. I hastened, therefore, to comply 
with my aunt's request, arranged by letter to meet her at Mayence, 
on June 21, and set off. Marie accompanied me, as she wished 
to visit her parents at Sayn. I met my aunt at Mayence. From 
Coblentz I travelled alone with her down the Rhine, arrived at 
Cologne at six o'clock, visited the Cathedral, and went the same 
evening to Aachen, where we stayed the night; the next morning 
being Corpus Christi, I went first to church, and then we started 
for Ostend, where we arrived at six in the evening. At the rail- 
way station we were received by Captain Smithead, who com- 
manded the boat which had been sent over for us; an elderly, 
striking-looking sailor with white whiskers, and a majestic bearing. 
He proposed to my aunt not to sail until early the next morning, 
to which she consented very willingly as she was glad to have a 

* The Duke of Kent, a younger brother of William IV., had married 
the Princess Victoria of Sachen-Saalfeld-Coburg. She had been first 
married to the Prince von Leiningen. Her daughter by her first marriage 
was Princess Feodora, who had married on February 18, 1828, Prince 
Ernst of Hohenlohe-Langenburg, the brother of Prince Chlodwig's 
mother. She was thus Queen Victoria's half-sister. 


chance of getting a rest. I spent the evening in a walk to 
the harbour and the various promenades of Ostend, which 
were well known to me, but now still and deserted, met a few 
acquaintances and went to bed. 

On June 23 we went on board at seven o'clock in the morning. 
The boat was a new and very fast steamboat, the Frederick 
William. It was a clear cool day,. the sea almost calm, and after 
four hours and twenty minutes we found ourselves close to the 
white cliffs of the English coast, passed a large three-masted 
American ship which was slowly beating down the Channel, and 
soon steamed into Dover Harbour. 

Here a large crowd had assembled on the quay, attracted by 
the military detachment, who were there in honour of my aunt. 
As soon as the boat touched the quay, the harbour-master, an 
officer of marines, and the general with his aide-de-camp in full- 
dress, came on board to pay their respects to my aunt. After a 
short preparation and change of dress we left the boat, my aunt 
on the general's arm, I behind with the others, and walked to 
the station through the crowd and the lane formed by the troops 
of the Line and the Militia which were drawn up on the quay. 
Another detachment of soldiers was here ; close to the train stood 
a company of the famous 32nd Infantry Regiment, celebrated 
for its deeds at Lucknow. The men bore few traces of their 
Indian campaign. But the officers, on the other hand, were 
much bronzed by the Indian sun. As the train left the company 
presented arms, and the band played "God save the Queen." 
The train bore us rapidly away towards London, through the green 
country, past cosy villages and country houses. As we drew 
near, we caught a glimpse of the imposing Crystal Palace at 
Sydenham, and soon we entered the smoky atmosphere of the 
town. A Royal carriage was waiting at the station to take us 
to Buckingham Palace, where we were met at the great doorway 
by Colonel Biddulph, the Queen's Master of the Household. The 
hall we now entered is, like the whole Palace, in modern style, 
ornamented with Corinthian columns, and the floor covered with 
thick carpets. The staff who received us consisted of the so- 
called Pages, Gentlemen-in-waiting in blue coats and black silk 
stockings. As we mounted the steps, the Queen came to meet 
my aunt, and greeted her in the most friendly way. We went 
with her into a small room adjoining, where a few words were 
exchanged, I received my share of the friendly greetings, and 
then my aunt followed the Queen to her rooms. I took my 
leave, to go to the hotel in which it had been arranged that I was 
to stay, as there was no room for me in the Palace. The Royal 
carriage took me to the Brunswick Hotel, Jermyn Street, rather a 
dingy place, but on account of its proximity fairly convenient. 
I found a suite of several rooms ready for me, took possession of 
them, and then went out for a walk. I had not time to see any- 
thing seriously, and besides was rather tired after my journey, so 


I turned my steps towards Hyde Park, where, as it happened, 
the fashionable parade was at its height. No people is so much 
the slave of its manners and customs as the English, and this sheep- 
like imitation of each other is seen at its best in Hyde Park. 
Every one who has the means to do so drives, rides, or walks 
there, and moves mechanically up and down in the comparatively 
small space for a couple of hours. Here is seen what is called 
fashion in carriages, horses, and dress. What is worn and dis- 
played here is the fashion, and spreads rapidly all over England. 
This summer, for instance, violet is the correct colour for men and 
women in neckties, gloves, &c. &c. It has an extraordinary 
vogue and all the shops are full of violet and lilac silk. 

There was no lack of beautiful horses, although the hour 
(five o'clock in the afternoon) is not the time for the fashionable 
world to ride. This takes place at twelve in the morning, and 
in the afternoon people drive or walk. I could not stay very 
long as the crowd, the heat, and the endless coming and going 
made me quite giddy. 

When I returned it was time to put on my Court dress black 
coat, knee-breeches, and silk stockings and go to dinner at 
eight o'clock at Buckingham Palace. Although I did not get 
there till eight, I found I was much too early, and had time to 
look round the apartments where the Royal Family assemble. 
It was the same room in which the Queen had received us in the 
morning; there was a crimson and gold carpet, and Empire 
furniture upholstered with the same colours; a marble mantel- 
piece, and a large table in the centre of the room. Two windows 
looked on to the garden ; a well-kept little park with wonderful 
trees and green lawns, and looking most fresh and peaceful in 
the setting sun. While I was enjoying the prospect, Prince 
Ernst Leiningen came in, whom I had not seen for ten years. 
He is in the British Navy, and wore a great many medals, which 
he had from the Crimean War. After him sidled in King Leopold 
of Belgium, with his foxy old face, and with him his second son, 
the Count of Flanders, a tall, fair, dull youth. Prince Albert 
came in soon afterwards, and greeted me in his usual friendly way. 
He had been that morning to the Handel Festival at the Crystal 
Palace, and talked enthusiastically of the performance by four 
thousand musicians before an audience of twenty-five thousand. 
As we were talking the Queen entered, accompanied by her 
daughter, Princess Alice, and my aunt, and we all, the Queen 
leading with King Leopold, moved into the large reception- 
room. On the way we were joined by the Queen's ladies ; among 
them the Duchess of Sutherland, Mistress of the Robes (if I am 
not mistaken), and the Duchess of Atholl, Lady-in-waiting. In 
the large room were the invited guests, and we went in to dinner. 
The Duchess of Atholl, who sat next Prince Albert, fell to me. 
On my other side was a lady of the Court, I think her name was 
Miss Bulteel. Both of them were quite talkative, though I 


remember nothing very distinctly of the conversation, which, 
being in English, was, on my part, carried on with some difficulty, 
except that through the opportunity of a remark on the condi- 
tion of things in Russia, the Duchess of Atholl spoke with much 
interest of a black and brown beetle, which was found in Russian 
houses, but whether it was interest in ethnographical or in 
entomological knowledge that led her to choose this topic, I could 
not judge. During dinner I noticed Prince Paul Esterhazy,* who 
had just arrived from Vienna. He' sat near the Queen, and talked 
to her in a loud voice. He was telling of his stay in Russia, 
and I observed that the Queen was much amused with his recital. 
After the Queen had left the table with her ladies, I saw him 
talking eagerly to King Leopold, and I could hear that they were 
speaking of the latest phase of the policy of the Austrian Govern- 
ment. The King listened to him for the most part very attentively. 
I then went to sit near Prince Albert, and the conversation 
turned, as was natural, on the Austro-French War. He spoke of 
the Emperor of Austria and his policy unfavourably, and main- 
tained that the Archduke Ferdinand Max had arrived at no better 
results in Italy, because he had been always hindered and dis- 
tracted from Vienna, whatever he tried to do. I then said that 
all this was new to me. " Generally," he said to me, "one cannot 
augur favourably of a man who has been educated by the Jesuits, 
as they recognise only the evil side of their fellow men, think that 
human nature is incapable of noble thoughts and feelings, and 
always presume the most sinister motives. These men, and the 
policy inspired by them, are the cause of the present troubles." I 
answered that although I had no particular leanings towards the 
Jesuits, I must yet observe that the present disturbances were 
for the most part the fault of the revolutionary secret societies 
and that it was unfortunately a sign of the decadence of human 
society that its ablest members were under the influence of these 
organisations. Prince Albert disputed this. Secret societies, 
he said, only existed when misgovernment called them into being. 
They made reform impossible, and would do away altogether 
with popular freedom. I maintained that that seemed very 
unlikely to me. In the South American Republics there were as 
many secret societies as in Italy. Amongst the people of the 
Latin races the party which had no share in the Government 
would always form in the Government a secret society. As to 
the theory then advanced by the Prince that the welfare of man- 
kind was founded on Christianity in the philosophical sense 
(Bunsen), I replied that it might be conceded as a possibility in 
the German nation, but the Latin races were emerging from 
dogma only to plunge into atheism, and this would end in the 
dissolution of social order. We talked on these subjects until the 

* Prince Paul Anton Esterhazy (1786-1866), who from 1815 to 1842 
was Austrian Ambassador in London. In 1856 he had been sent on a 
special Embassy to Moscow for the coronation. 


Gcntleman-in-waiting came to say that the Queen was waiting 
for us. The Prince rose, making a quotation from one of St. 
Paul's Epistles. In his whole attitude of mind there is some- 
thing distinctly doctrinaire, and I thought how unfortunate it 
was for the Prince that he should come straight from a German 
University to his present position, after a course of superficial 
study, without having had the corners rubbed off by contact with 
the practical world.* After dinner the Court assembled in the 
large saloon, a long, splendidly decorated hall, adorned with 
columns. The Queen talked to the company. She spoke in a 
very sympathetic, unaffected, and natural way to me (quite 
unlike the apathetic chatter of Continental Sovereigns) and 
inquired after all my family, showing her kindness of heart, of 
which I had heard so much. After she had held her circle, the 
Queen went into the neighbouring drawing-room, where she sat 
on a sofa, surrounded by her ladies and a few men. Some music 
was given in an adjoining room. At about eleven o'clock she 
rose, which was the signal for a general departure. 

On Saturday, June 25, I called on the Austrian Minister, 
Count Apponyi, who told me the news of the Austrian defeat at 
the Mincio,f which he had just heard by telegram from Paris. 
He seemed much disheartened, and spoke with great bitterness of 
the Prussian policy, which Austria had to thank for this disaster. 
If Austria were now compelled to sign a dishonourable peace, 
Napoleon would turn against Prussia and Germany, and then 
Austria would be no longer in a position to help. 

On this day there was a levee, i.e., a great Court presentation. 
I went to the neighbourhood of St. James's Palace to see the 
equipages as they passed, amongst them, those of the Lord Mayor 
of London and his suite were distinguished by their peculiar 
magnificence. I spent the rest of the day in shopping. As 
the Queen was not giving a dinner-party, I was not invited to 
the Palace, and dined with Apponyi, where I also spent the even- 
ing, going back to my hotel at twelve o'clock. As it was Saturday 
evening, all the provision shops in the smaller streets were open, 
so that people could buy their food for the Sunday. I saw many 
drunken people in the streets. 

On Sunday, June 26, I went at half-past nine to the church at 
Farm Street, where I had been before a remarkably neat and 
homely church. At one o'clock I went to Waterloo Station, on 
my way to Windsor. At the station were countless holiday people 
going out of town for the day. I reached Windsor at half-past 
two, went to Frogmore to visit Aunt Feodora and the Duchess of 
Kent, whom I found convalescent, and then walked back to the 
station by the terrace of the Castle, catching the six o'clock train 
to London, where I arrived at seven. 

* Cf. the corresponding opinions of Prince Albert in Duke Ernst's 
work, Aus meinem Leben, vol. i. p. 129. 
t The Battle of Solferino, June 24. 


At eight o'clock I again dined at Court, where I met the 
Prince of Wales, who had just returned from his Continental 
travels. He talked to me a great deal about Rome, and his 
sea-trip to Gibraltar on Victor's ship. He is a very well-bred 
young man, rather in awe of his father. It is a pity he is not 
taller for his age. 

I took Lady Herbert in to dinner. She is the wife of the 
present Secretary for War, but I could only exchange a few 
words with her, as Princess Alice, the Queen's second daughter, 
sat on my other hand and had much to tell me. She is very 
well informed for her age, is quick and lively, and her face, in 
spite of her long nose (which she herself regards as a calamity), 
is very pretty. After dinner there was again a circle and the 
Queen talked to me for a long time on the latest political affairs, 
and spoke of her fear that only half measures would be taken 
in Berlin a fear that I entirely shared with her. 

Amongst the invited guests was Lord Aberdeen, now old and 
very frail; also a man with a thick beard, who I was told was 
the Duke of Newcastle; Lord Carlisle, the Lord-Lieutenant of 
Ireland, an affected creature, with the manners of an old ballet- 
master; and last, Lord Herbert of Lea, a very vivacious man 
who gesticulated a great deal. As we separated, I took leave 
of the Queen, as I intended to take my departure the next evening. 
Prince Albert asked me to come and see him again the next day. 

On Monday, the 27th, I had some business to do, and took 
the opportunity of visiting the Tower and Lincoln's Inn, the 
large building where the court of Chancery and other civil courts 
are held. I went into one of the courts, and thought the proce- 
dure before the judges, in their quaint wigs, was conducted in a 
most pleasant and agreeable way. It was a pity I had no one 
with me who could point out the different persons and their 
functions to me. 

At half-past three I went to the Palace to take leave of Prince 
Albert. He was, as usual, in ordinary morning dress, without 
uniform or Orders. I was taken into his library, where I saw 
a Vienna-made glass bookcase filled with German books, copper- 
work, &c. He showed me a map of the seat of war, expressed 
disapproval of the Austrian plan of invasion, and maintained 
that if they had made up their minds to an invasion they should 
have adopted a triangular formation, advancing the apex, and 
gradually opening out the sides. He then began to speak of the 
whole Austrian policy, and said that the ultimatum to Sardinia 
had been sent at the instigation of Grunne and Windischgratz, 
without the knowledge of Count Buol. This seemed to me very 
doubtful. Then he inveighed against the democratic disorganisa* 
tion of the Minister Bach, in which I readily agreed. Finally, 
he said that Austria believed when the war began that Germany 
would be forced to strike in as well 1 a revolution had been 
fomented by Austria in Munich. Then he mentioned the rumour 


that Napoleon wanted to make peace proposals direct to the 
Emperor of Austria, and concluded by bidding me farewell and 
wishing all success to the struggle in Germany. He did not 
seem to believe, however, that it would come to that. The 
Prince of Wales then came to say that the Queen was waiting 
in her carriage, and they both hurried away. I strolled through 
Regent's Park and back to Piccadilly, did some business, saw 
Apponyi, with whom I dined, and went with him and Count 
Chotek to the Olympic Theatre, where some amusing pieces were 
very well played. When we left the theatre it was raining very 
heavily, which obliged us to take a cab home. On Thursday 
morning, the i8th, I went to see an old acquaintance whom I 
had not met for nineteen years Mr. Cauvin. He was pleased 
to refresh his youthful memories of Gottingen and Corvey. As 
he is a literary man, and understands public opinion in England, 
I asked him about the English Government, the state of feeling, 
&c. I asked him particularly whether people feared Napoleon 
would turn against England if he beat Austria and Germany. 
He replied that the previous winter England was against Napoleon, 
but that the feeling towards him had now changed, for two 
reasons: first, on account of the enthusiasm of Englishmen 
for the Emperor's so-called liberation of Italy, which enraptured 
the British Philistine; and secondly, because of the approbation 
which always follows success. Besides, English people believed 
they were strong enough and rich enough to meet Napoleon if 
he should take it into his head to invade them. "We have," 
he said, "no system in our politics; we live from hand to mouth." 
Cauvin went with me for a stroll, and left me at five o'clock, when 
I dined. Afterwards I went straight to the station, and arrived at 
Dover at eleven, when the steamboat left immediately for Ostend. 

A Royal Dialogue* 

The King. My dear Prince, I think you wished to speak with 
me alone ? 

/. I must thank your Majesty most humbly for having 
consented to receive me alone. The more so as I have no special 
petition to present. I only wished to have an opportunity of 
offering my humble services to your Majesty. I have long 
wished for the opportunity of giving your Majesty practical 
assurance of my sincere attachment. After the death of Count 
Lerchenfeldf the thought occurred to me whether it would be 
possible to enter your Majesty's service. If your Majesty were 
graciously pleased to employ me, I am conscious that so far 

*The transcript of this conversation with King Maximilian II. was 
made for the Princess. Hence the notes here and there in French. 

t Count Max Joseph of Lerchenfeld, Bavarian Minister at Vienna, 
who died November 3, 1859. The conversation also took place in 
November 1859. 


as means and position are concerned, I should be in a position 
worthily to represent the Bavarian name, and uphold the Bavarian 
flag with energy and determination. 

The King. These sentiments give me much pleasure. I am 
all the more pleased, as at one time I had doubts about it. (Ce 
n'etait pas tout & fait cela, c'etait plus poli, mais le fond etait le 
meme.) However, we have all been young once upon a time, 
and experience changes us a great deal. Forgive me for speaking 
so frankly. 

/. Your Majesty is no doubt speaking of my Imperial Mission. 
As regards that, may I be allowed to say that the Archduke 
Johann made choice of me on that occasion with the special 
object that a Bavarian should take part in the diplomacy of 
the Central Government. This was the chief reason for my 
nomination, and the Archduke also wished me to visit Munich 
in order to intimate this personally to your Majesty. I was 
prevented by circumstances from doing so. I also believed, 
when I accepted this Mission, the Central Authority would be 
acknowledged by all the Governments. When it was dissolved 
I at once retired from public life. 

The King. Yes, yes (very graciously). Those times were 
different. Now the case is altered, though Bavaria is still the 
third German Power. And I do not wish to be taken in tow 
by either Austria or Prussia. 

/. That prospect has gone by; it is an exploded idea. A 
Central Government in that sense is now impracticable. Your 
Majesty may rely on the unanimous feeling of the Bavarian 
people which has once for all declared itself against a Prussian 

The King. Very true. So much so that early this year I 
gave offence, as it was believed I had shown the merest shadow 
of an inclination towards Prussia. It was not the case. I am 
interested in science, and may perhaps appoint a few Prussian 
professors. But for all that, I know how to preserve the inde- 
pendence of my country. As I said, I am much pleased with 
the sentiments you have expressed. 

(Id je craignais qu'il ne se contentat de ces phrases, et 
je repris:) 

I. When I ventured to come here with this request to your 
Majesty, I had also a personal reason. If your Majesty will 
allow me, I will speak frankly. (The King nodded kindly.) The 
immediate impulse and personal suggestion came from a letter 
from my mother-in-law, which alludes to the desire of the Prince 
and Princess of Prussia that I should return to the Prussian 
service. (Id je lui raconte la conversation de maman avec la 
Princesse de Prusse. Je parle de Hatzjeldt et de Louis.) I am 
expecting a proposal from Berlin which will place me in a diffi- 
culty. If I could give as a reason for refusal a wish from your 
Majesty that I should enter your Royal service, my difficulty 


would be at an end. And it would carry out my mother-in-law's 
wishes equally well. 

The King. Then you think that this arrangement would be 
agreeable to the Princess also? 

/. Yes. For, even if her son were in the Prussian Diplomatic 
Service he could be employed at the place where I had the honour 
to represent your Majesty, and, in that way, the desired object 
would be attained, for I could keep an eye on him there. 

The King. Ah, I see. Well, I will think the matter over, and 
I am very glad that you have spoken to me of your views. (Here 
followed inquiries after mamma, toi, &c, &c.) 

(As I went out.) I will give what you have said mature 
consideration. (Reverence et depart.) 

The PRINCE to PRINCESS ELISE on the same subject. 

SCHILLINGSFURST, January 14, 1860. 

Our plans are uncertain still. The King is perplexed. He 
may send for me, but I do not know how he can arrange it, as 
such a crowd of applicants of established reputation are forth- 
coming for diplomatic appointments. I should regret if another 
chance of permanent employment and position in life were to 
pass me by. The older one grows, the more necessary becomes 
a calling in life. What the years take from us must be made up 
by the discharge of our duties. I am not made to spend my life 
in merely fulfilling the duties of my social position, though I 
recognise in these duties something more serious and important 
than men generally see in them. I even think that I am not 
equal to the task, and that personal obstacles stand in the way 
which I am unable to overcome. The aristocratic life is either 
a good one to lead, one which is worthy of respect and will 
find acknowledgement, or it ends in frittering away one's 
energies in trivialities like the distribution of gold snuff-boxes and 
Christmas presents. Any number of people are better at that 
sort of thing than I. 


In September 1860 the Prince started on a journey to 
the Wittgenstein estates in Russia, and arrived at Werki on 
September 20. The following is from the diary of the journey. 

" On the 22nd we were invited by the Governor-General 
Racimoff to dinner, at his pretty little house at Swievinic on 
the Wilia. We were invited for four o'clock, but came so late 
that dinner was not till half-past five. The Governor-General 


is a little man, with bushy eyebrows and stiff moustache. He 
gives himself military airs, and is an insignificant, well-meaning 
person. His wife was once a beauty, and still shows some traces 
of it. She has very charming, expressive eyes, and is the life 
and soul of the house. The dinner was bad, and the service 
inefficient. According to Russian ideas, a Prince who has no 
official post has no rank, so when dinner was announced the two 
Civil Governors pounced upon the ladies of the house before me, 
and I followed with our host and Peter. 1 I sat near the Governor- 
General, who talked the most absurd nonsense about high politics 
all through dinner. I had on my left hand a young girl who 
talked to her neighbour (another girl) in several languages. I 
didn't see why I should interrupt them. After dinner we went 
into the park which surrounds the house, and saw two fine bison 
which were kept there. While the rest of the company stayed 
timidly under the trees, Peter and I went close up to the animals 
with the keeper, and had a fine sight of these curious creatures 
three paces off. They were quietly eating the meat which was 
scattered on the ground and which is their chief food, and took 
very little notice of us. Now and then they have been known 
to make small attacks on people. The park looked very beautiful 
under the rising moon and the twilight. The quiet river flowed 
in front of us, beyond were the dark pine woods, and quite a 
little waterfall trickled into the river. We soon took our leave, 
as it was seven o'clock, got into our carriage, and drove back 
to Werki, where we amused ourselves by making astronomical 
observations through a telescope till Pastor Lipinsky came, 
with whom I had a long talk on the latest movement in the 
German Protestant Church. He knew considerably less about 
the subject than I did, and I felt quite brilliant. Even my 
encyclopaedic knowledge, however, was soon exhausted. After 
that everybody grew sleepy. 

September 25, 1860. 

I am writing in a tent, which gives a pleasant shade, while 
the sun is very hot outside. The door is open; I can see the 
wood in front of me and hear the oaks and the pines rustling. 

On the 23rd we drove from Werki in a half-open carriage, 
changed horses at Wilna and several other stations, and came 
through a hideously dreary country to Lubez at half-past eight 
in the evening. Only towards the end of the journey did the 
aspect of the country become less repellent; the first part of 
the way lay through sand and pines. Lubez is part of the Witt- 
genstein property, and lies near the Niemen. The castle was 
once of grand proportions and fortified, but it has all been 
destroyed by fire except two towers. 

On the 24th a shooting-party was arranged. We saw some 

* Prince Peter of Sayn -Wittgenstein (1831-1887), the Princess's brother. 


partridges, moor-hens, and snipe, but not till almost nightfall. 
The day was clear and warm, and the wide, open country and 
green banks of the Niemen looked enchanting under the setting 
sun. We set out in the carriage at half-past eight for the hunting 
camp. It was a beautiful moonlight night, and the wide desolate 
country, with its low undergrowth from which wreaths of mist 
were slowly rising, was most charming. After half an hour's 
drive we came to the Niemen, crossed a bridge of boats, and 
arrived at a village. Here we found that the large carriage 
could go no further, and a one-horse peasant's cart was waiting 
for us. We climbed in and drove into the woods. Soon, how- 
ever, even the cart could go no further, and we proceeded on 
foot and soon reached Koslowabor, a lonely farmstead near which 
they had pitched the tent and where the flickering firelight was 
most welcome. We made our preparations for the next day, 
loaded our guns, prepared our cartridges, and went to sleep. It 
was the first time I had slept in a tent. Outside the huntsmen 
talked over the fire, and the wind rustled among the trees. The 
murmur of talking gradually ceased, and we soon fell into a 
pleasant sleep, which was disturbed at half-past three by the cry, 
"Time to get up!" We were soon ready. With guns on our 
shoulders and long sticks in our hands, we went through the 
wood. Two huntsmen accompanied us. They wore grey coats, 
white linen breeches, and sandals. They are the best men for 
this kind of work that I know. We first tried to entice an elk 
into the swamp. One of the strajniks blew on a horn of birch- 
bark a cry exactly resembling the stag's. A stag answered, not 
far from us, but kept out of sight. We tried the same thing in 
other places, but without result. We were rewarded, however, 
by the walk through the wood; the swamp, which is more than 
two miles square, is full of alders, birches, and other deciduous 
trees. The undergrowth was so thick and so beset with reeds 
and all kinds of matted growths that it was almost impossible 
to get through. It is a perfect example of a virgin forest. In 
the deepest places bushes and trees lay in the water, and we 
had to climb painfully over them. Sometimes a convenient tree 
served as a bridge, but in most places nothing of the sort was 
to be found, and there was nothing for it but to wade through 
the mud and brackish water. It was one continual splashing 
and jumping from one piece of firm ground to another, a constant 
winding about through thick-set bushes. We proceeded like this 
for five hours blowing constantly on the horn. At last we gave it 
up, and at half-past nine returned to the tent, where the men who 
had stayed behind had a good breakfast waiting for us. We 
dressed either in the tents or outside, and now all has sunk to rest. 
In the evening, after a meal in the open air, we retired to our 
drawing-room, in other words, we lay down on a great heap of 
straw beside a huge fire and gazed up at the stars. 


Monday, October i. 

After dinner to Count Chreptowitsch in Sciorsz. He had 
fresh newspapers and told us of Lamoriciere's defeat.* His 
reception-rooms are large and in the Louis XVI. style. I was 
struck by a portrait of his grandfather, the Polish Chancellor, 
remarkable both for its conception and the man's interesting 
face. Our rooms are furnished in English style. The frogs that 
hopped about the hall fortunately did not come inside. 

On October 13, the Emperor came to Wilna, and on Sunday, 
the i4th, the grand parade was held. Eight cavalry regiments 
and a few infantry regiments were on the great parade-ground. 
There was also some artillery. I found myself by chance close 
to the Prince Karl von Preussen Regiment just as the 
commander saluted his troops. Soon afterwards arrived the 
Emperor with a brilliant staff and rode down the lines amid 
thundering hurrahs. Then came the march past. When it was 
all over I drove back to Werki, where, in the meantime, the Princes 
Karl and Albrecht of Prussia and Friedrich of Hesse had an- 
nounced their intended visit. They appeared not long after with 
their aides-de-camp, looked at everything, breakfasted in the large 
salon and then drove back to Wilna. Prince Albrecht 's aide-de- 
camp had a note-book in which he wrote down everything his 
Prince had seen stuffed birds, pictures, &c. so that his Prince 
may remember it all later on ! 

In the evening there was a ball at the Governor's; a crowd 
of uniforms, elegant toilettes and civilians in evening-dress. 
Among old friends I found Leon- Radziwill, Graf Alexander 
Adlerberg, and several Prussian officers. On the Emperor's 
arrival I happened to be standing beside an old Countess Choiseul 
to whom his Majesty spoke first, and thus I was fortunate enough 
to receive an early greeting and a few kindly words from him 
which brought down the envy of all the "Reussen" present upon 
me. The grey-haired lady in question wore a kind of fillet or 
bracelet across her forehead with a garnet ornament at either 
end, a cluster of strung pearls hung from each ear, and a coiffure 
of tulle covered the back of her head. She was interesting to 
me owing to a story which does her credit. When Napoleon 
was in Wilna she alone of all the ladies wore the monogram of 
the Empress Marie. 

"Qu'est-ce que c'est que cela?" Napoleon asked her. "C'est 
le chiffre de S. M. VImperatrice Marie" "C'est bien de le porter 
en face de I'ennemi!" Napoleon is said to have answered. 

On the 1 5th, some military practice was gone through on the 
exercising-ground near Wilna. The infantry exercise was 
finished by the time I arrived; the cavalry only was still on 
the ground : two regiments of hussars, two of uhlans, and two of 
dragoons together about six thousand horse. They began by 

* The defeat of the Papal troops at Castelsidardo on September 18. 


each riding past at the gallop, shooting pistols and waving lances, 
and then came manoeuvres. It was extremely funny when a 
battery advanced towards the spectators, unlimbered and fired, 
whereupon the public, consisting of Jews, fell in a heap with 
screams of "Murder!" A great change of front of all the regi- 
ments was carried out with great precision. The military 
men present considered that this cavalry corps manoeuvred 
admirably. I afterwards drove with Peter to the town, where we 
entered our names in the visitors' books of the foreign princes. 

At two o'clock was the ceremonious opening of a tunnel by the 
Emperor. The persons invited, among whom were many ladies, 
assembled at the railway station, where a temporary wooden 
structure in the Moorish style had been erected to receive the 
guests. The Emperor, his suite, and a number of ladies seated 
themselves in an open, richly decorated railway-car. I went 
with Peter, Leon Radziwill, and two generals hi another. 
Arrived at our destination we got out and followed the Emperor 
on foot through the tunnel, which was brightly illuminated with 
cressets. The clergy accompanied the Emperor to the middle of 
the tunnel, where he placed a stone in position, on which the 
Grand Duke of Weimar very gracefully struck a blow or two. 
After that we went at the double to the other end of the tunnel 
and back again. It was not exactly comfortable in there, as 
we were bare-headed and water dropped frequently from above. 
The return journey was made by rail. The workmen posted 
everywhere along the route greeted the Emperor with accla- 
mations. At Wilna the hurrahs of the Jews were most peculiar, 
sounding exactly like the bleating of sheep. It is not surprising 
that despite their demonstrations of loyalty they should be con- 
siderably cuffed and knocked about by the police, for a more 
impudent lot than these Polish Jews I have never seen, thrusting 
themselves in everywhere like wild beasts, even where they have 
no business whatever. 

Political Notes in Vienna, January 1861.* 

The present situation in Austria is one of watchful expectancy. 
That the Diploma of October 20 f satisfied nobody is patent. It 
deals out rights without imposing obligations, and weakens the 
Government without winning over public opinion. Hence the 
prevailing dissatisfaction and suspicion. 

The split in Ministry between Rechberg and Schmerling is 
typical of the whole situation. While the party to which Rech- 
berg belongs goes only de trts mauvaise grace with the stream of 

* Prince Hohenlohe's youngest brother, Prince Konstantine, had 
married, in 1859, the Princess Marie zu Sayn-Wittgenstein. After that, 
Prince Hohenlohe and his wife invariably spent some time each winter in 

t A statute promising special regulations for the separate Crown Lands. 


liberal opinion, Schmerling's party hopes, now that these liberal 
measures are once granted, to force on a constitutional develop- 
ment of the whole State system. When I visited Schmerling he 
began at once by saying it would, no doubt, have been easier 
to take one of the existing constitutions, say, the Belgian or 
Bavarian, and model an Austrian one on that, but, having regard 
to the peculiar circumstances of the Austrian Empire, more radical 
measures would have to be adopted. The Hungarian question 
was not the only obstacle. As to this, he expressed himself to 
the effect that a revolution would occur, but that they would be 
able to deal with it; that the Old-Hungarian party had never 
found favour in Hungary; that the constitutional party of Deak 
was, and would be still more swamped by anarchy. He spoke 
with the utmost scorn of the attitude of the Germans in Hungary. 
To my question how the Cabinet proposed to deal with the many 
different nationalities to be represented, and whether it would 
not entail very great difficulties, he answered hurriedly that his 
entrance into the Cabinet had materially changed all that. Besides, 
by degrees they would arrive at being one undivided representa- 
tive State. The affairs of the various Protestant communities 
would be set in order in the next few days. The Concordat 
itself he would not meddle with, as this was best left to the 
Reichsrath. By bettering the position of the Protestants 
he hoped to improve relations with England. It appears to 
me that Schmerling reckons upon the representative system to 
rid him of such colleagues as are inconvenient to him. Of the 
danger and impolicy underlying these manipulations, which 
always open the door to extortion, he is probably well 
aware; yet his position towards the Court, the reactionary 
members of the nobility and the Concordat party make any 
other way impossible to him. Through fear of the word 
"Constitution" both Emperor and Government have gradually 
let more be extorted from them than the more liberal constitu- 
tion could ever grant, and the people do not even say thank you. 
They hope to gain time, and then, when things are smoothed down, 
to reintroduce absolutism with a firmer hand than ever. In this 
underhand dealing lies the real danger. Preachers of religious 
absolutism, stiff-necked aristocratic club-men, courtiers devoid 
of all political understanding these are the Emperor's real 
counsellors. At the moment they are all lying low, but the 
time is not far hence when either they will be crushed under the 
revolution or rise triumphant on the wave of general reaction. 

January 21, 1861. 

To-day, at Fries 's, I found Prince Jablonowski. After dinner 
the Imperial manifesto to the Hungarians.* In connection with 
this I remarked that it seemed to me strange to speak of 

*Of January 16, directed against the revolutionary agitation in 


Hungarian nationality as opposed to German, seeing that the 
Hungarians are mainly Germans. Not one of all those who wear 
the Hungarian national costume speak anything but Austrian- 
German. Moreover, I took that opportunity of pointing out to the 
company the danger of their " historico-political Individualism." 
Jablonowski said he did not recognise any Austrian Empire, 
merely an Austrian Emperor. Had he been in a position to do 
so he would have advised the Emperor to give the Reichsrath 
only an advisory function and the provincial assemblies the 
decisive voice in the Government. Fries declared that the 
Austrian Monarchy was so peculiarly constituted as to demand 
quite particular institutions. To which I observed that with 
their methods of construction the Monarchy would fall to pieces ; 
I was before all things a German, and I would advise the 
energetic maintenance of the unity of the Empire even with the 
aid of the democratic element. Democracy would soon settle 
the question of the various nationalities. Whereupon violent 
protest and indignation. 

It was interesting to hear the opinions of the Austrian aristo- 
cratic party. They cling to the Diploma of October 20, and 
imagine that that will save the Monarchy. A hopeless mistake 
which the Government itself is aware of, as the manifesto of to- 
day clearly proves. Nevertheless, as the luckless Diploma has 
been issued, and every national passion thereby let loose, it will 
be hard work to set things straight again. 

The nationalities who have benefited by the Diploma will not 
hear of an Imperial parliament by general election. I fancy, how- 
ever, that the Czechs might be easily won over. For the moment 
the Hungarians would have to be left out of the reckoning, and 
the Poles would probably give in too. It seems to me that it is 
not the people of the various non- German countries, but rather 
the aristocracy (some from ambition, some from narrow-minded- 
ness) and the doctrinaires among the professors who hold fast to 
their autonomy and the Diploma. 

I believe that Schmerling is of my opinion and will calmly go 
his own way. 

January 22, 1861. 

To-day I was present at the State banquet given in honour 
of General Werder, who had brought the notification of the 
accession of King Wilhelm I. to the throne. The Empress being 
absent, there were no ladies there. All the notabilities of the 
Court were present Prince Liechtenstein, the High Steward, with 
his white moustache just like an old tom-cat; then the High 
Marshal of the Court, Count Kuefstein, an ex-diplomat, who had 
much to tell me of the Vienna Congress as I sat next to him; 
Count Lanckoronski, High Chamberlain ; Adjutant- General Count 
Crenneville, a most estimable, pleasant man with Napoleonic 
features. Besides these there were Count Grunne, the War 



Minister Count Degenfeld, Count Rechberg, Lieutenant-Field- 
marshal Count Henrikstein, the staff of the Prussian Embassy 
and Prussian officers attached to General Werder's suite. 

After dinner the Emperor held a circle. He conversed with 
me for some time on affairs in Naples, praised the courage of the 
Queen,* to whom it was chiefly due that the King had been able 
to hold out so long,f and expressed his deep indignation at the 
behaviour of the Neapolitan officers by whom the Queen had been 
betrayed last summer. Considering how naturally and pleasantly 
the Emperor speaks, I could not help regretting that he makes so 
little use of this gift for the benefit of his subjects. He finds it 
impossible to court popularity by adopting a more condescending 
manner, which would mean so much to an unsophisticated 
people like the Austrians. 

This evening, the 3oth, the Town ball took place. The Court 
made its appearance just as we came in. It was received in dead 
silence. One noticed an intentional indifference on the part of 
the public and a kind of annoyance. The Emperor stayed a 
long time, but remained in the gallery talking to the Burgo- 
master, instead of moving about the room and speaking to the 
townspeople as King Ludwig and King Max do to their great 

February 4. 

To-day Count Rechberg resigned the Presidency of the 
Cabinet and Archduke Rainer undertook the post. Rechberg 
remains Minister for Foreign Affairs. Nobody knows exactly 
what to say to it. For an Archduke to be Cabinet President is 
rather peculiar. It seems to me that it is their way of trying 
to make Rechberg's resignation look more decent d'avoir 
cede le pas d un archiduc. Schmerling will be the soul of the 
administration, the Archduke will lend his name to it. 

Old Count Hartig, with whom I had a long conversation at 
Bray's, told me much that was interesting. He declares they 
have let themselves be taken in by the Hungarians in giving 
them the Diploma of October 20. He agrees with me in thinking 
the Diploma absurd, and considers that only by giving more 
security and stability to the laws can a better state of things be 
brought about. This, he thinks, will be the case now, and sets 
great hopes on the expected alterations in administrative affairs. 

* Sister of the Empress of Austria. 

t Till the capitulation of Gaeta, January 14. 



Emancipation of the Jews. 

In April 1861 the Prince laid before the Reichsrath a report on 
a Bill sent up by the Lower Chamber for the removal of certain 
restrictions on the liberty of the Jews as regards change of domicile 
and trading. In recommending the adoption of this measure the 
Prince had to encounter the objection raised in the Upper House 
that with the increasing equality of rights granted to the Jews, 
Bavaria would cease to be a specifically Christian State and would 
become a State "based nakedly on law." "In order to judge 
this contention fairly," says the report of April 25, 1861, "we 
must be quite clear as to what we mean when we speak of 'a 
Christian State' and 'a State based on mere law/ 

"According to the conception which was current all over 
Europe in the Middle Ages, the State was subordinate to 
the Church, a subordination which men sought to explain and 
justify by declaring the Church to be the founder of the State. 
Religion and politics, Church and State, were thus continually 
intermingled. The State was the servant of the Church. Not 
to be a member of the Catholic Church was to have no existence as 
a recognised member of the State, and who so stood in opposition 
to the teaching or constitution of the Church was regarded, eo 
ipso, as an enemy of the State. This was pre-eminently the case 
with the Jews, who, less because they were aliens in Europe than 
because they were enemies of Christendom and of the Christian 
State, were regarded as creatures absolutely outside the law. 

"They might count themselves fortunate if, in the Roman 
Empire of the German Nation, they secured forbearance and 
protection in return for a heavy tax, first from the Emperor 
as 'Imperial chattels,' and later from various petty Sovereigns 
to whom the right to protect the Jews (Judenshutzrecht) was 
delegated as a privilege. Even the Reformation did little 
to alter this conception of the Christian State. It no doubt 
dissolved the old relations between the Catholic Church 
and the State, but the State remained none the less 'Christian/ 
if by that we understand the maintenance of an exclusive creed, 
even in matters of jurisdiction against the unrecognised sects 
of religion. 

" Not till the middle of the eighteenth century did a fresh concep- 
tion of the relations between Church and State, and consequently 
of the whole nature of the latter, begin to gain ground. Church 
and State gradually came to be recognised as two different, 
separate and independent organisms, each with its own peculiar 


mission to perform. Thus the ideas of religious liberty and of the 
State based on law went hand in hand. With the triumph 
of the former the conception of the 'Christian state,' which had 
hitherto been workable enough, became untenable. The State 
could no longer remain doctrinally exclusive and intolerant. 
It must of necessity become Christian in another sense, that is to 
say, just and tolerant towards every class of its subjects. It 
must, in fact, become the State based on law, or, as is much better, 
the State based on justice. 

"True, an opinion and an apprehension has been expressed that 
the modern State has ceased or would soon cease to be Christian ; 
and reference has been made to the observation which is fre- 
quently heard that 'the State is of its nature atheistic, and 
cannot be otherwise.' I fail to share either the opinion or the 
apprehension. A sounder theory has long since recognised and 
rectified this misleading idea, and it is understood that it was 
founded on a hasty fallacious judgment which has overlooked 
the fact that it is founded on an impossible presupposition. 
The modern State can only be Christian if it has ceased 
to be the doctrinal and Feudal State of the Middle Ages. "It 
can only claim to be Christian because all the relations of citizen 
and family life are permeated with the spirit of Christianity; 
because our social, political, and judicial institutions are built upon 
a Christian foundation; because our whole modern system of 
morals is Christian; and, finally, because the moral code, to give 
full effect to which is the constant endeavour of the State founded 
on law, is identical with the Christian code. There can be no 
question, therefore, as to whether the Christian State will or 
will not continue to exist; it does exist and will exist so long as 
Christianity is the creed of the great majority of its members. 

"The modern State, however, has long since repudiated the 
idea, so irreconcilable with a truly Christian point of view, that any 
person or persons can be outside the law, and has extended the 
conception of citizenship on which our present-day political 
life is chiefly founded so as to embrace all classes of its subjects. 
It must be admitted by every one that the State has done this 
without any compromise of its Christian character. If there was 
no impediment in the Christian character of the State of our 
days to the grant of the rights of citizenship to non- Christians, 
still less can the grant of these privileges to the Jews be met with 
any reasonable opposition. No modern State, without being 
false to the whole trend of its historical evolution, can refuse to 
give legal and political equality to Jew and Christian alike." 

The Question of the Hessian Constitution, May 1861. 

The Hessian Minister Hassenpflug had in the autumn of 
1851 obtained of the then newly restored Federal Diet for 
the overthrow of the Hessian Constitution of January 5, 


1831. After the inchoate resistance of Prussia at Olmutz had 
broken down, the Diet resolved, on March 27, 1852, to 
suppress the Hessian Constitution of '31 as being incon- 
sistent with the provisions of the final Act of the Congress 
of Vienna. A draft of a new Constitution drawn up by the 
Hessian Government in concert with the Federal Commissioners 
was to be immediately promulgated as a law, together with the 
electoral regulations thereto appertaining. It was then to 
be presented "for ratification" to the State, which was to be 
created on the basis of these regulations. The promulgation 
of the new Constitution took place on April 13, 1852. But in 
spite of the reckless use of all the powers of coercion which 
these laws gave the Government, they were unsuccessful in 
persuading the Chambers elected on the prescribed franchise 
to agree to ratify it, and this anarchic situation in Hesse lasted 
for another decade. On July 15, 1858, the Hessian Government 
proposed in the Diet that it should overlook the necessity for 
ratification by the State of Hesse, and should guarantee 
the prescribed Constitution of 1852. On July 26, 1859, a Com- 
mittee of the Diet reported in favour of the Hessian suggestion, 
and proposed that the Diet should require Hesse to accept and 
ratify the draft Constitution of 1852. Thus there came to be 
discussed the question (almost unheeded amid the general 
depression of 1852), how far the right which the confederation 
claimed by its resolution of March 27 of that year was a danger 
to all German Constitutions. From this point of view the 
Hessian question acquired a new meaning, which its lively dis- 
cussion in the Press soon brought within the sphere of action 
of Governments and Parliaments. In November 1859 the 
Prussian Government entered the lists on behalf of the violated 
rights of Hesse, and demanded the restoration of the Constitu- 
tion of 1831, with the exception of those of its provisions 
which were contrary to Federal law; but the majority of 
the Diet, following the lead of Austria, remained faithful to 
the reactionary principles of 1852. In his Speech from the 
Throne of January 12, 1860, the Prince Regent reiterated 
with great decision his conviction that a return to the Con- 
stitution of 1831 was the only way to restore law and order in 
Hesse. On March 17, 1860, the Prussian Government expressed 
the same conviction in an exposition of their previously 
recorded dissent from the decision of the Diet. Meanwhile 
the Diet decided to follow the recommendation of their committee. 
Von der Pfordten, the Bavarian representative in the Diet, 
took part in this decision. Prussia protested against it, 
and washed her hands of the consequences. The Prussian 
Chamber of Deputies, on April 20, expressed its approval of 
the protest by a large majority. 

In Bavaria the Hessian question was dealt with in the Chamber 
of Deputies in March 1861. On the motion of Dr. Vb'lk 


the House resolved "to enter a solemn protest against 
the Federal resolution of March 27, 1852, and the principles 
which underlie it, and which are contrary to the law of the 
Bavarian Constitution' 7 ; and it was decided to petition the 
King to direct his Ministers "to assist as far as in them lay 
in restoration of a properly ordered Constitutional Government 
in Hesse." 

The first of these resolutions was referred to the Upper 
House for information, the second for discussion. The Reporter, 
Reichsrath von Bayer, contested the competence of the Bavarian 
Legislature to concern itself with the matter, because such 
competence could only be established "if documentary warrant 
for it could be found in the Constitution," and because, according 
to the general principles of German constitutional law, the 
decision of questions of external politics belonged only to the 
supreme head of the State. Against this Prince Hohenlohe 

"(i) That a solemn protest be entered against the Federal 
resolution of March 27, 1852, and its underlying principles and 

"(2) That the Government be requested to use its influence 
in a suitable manner, as far as possible, for the restoration of 
a properly ordered Constitutional Government in Hesse." 

At the sitting of the House of May 4, 1861, he sup- 
ported this motion in the following speech : 

"The reasons which have led the representatives of the people 
to pass their resolution on the Hessian question in the Lower 
House are known to you. I will not fatigue you with a recital 
of details of the constitutional imbroglio in Hesse. . . . The fact 
we have now to deal with is the intervention which took place 
in Hesse in 1850. I. am far from reproaching his Majesty's 
Government with that. Intervention in Hesse was a link in 
the chain of the policy to which the Bavarian Government was 
forced owing to the events of the years 1848 and 1849 a 
policy which was justified by the refusal of the German peoples 
to sacrifice their particularism, their independence as individuals, 
in the struggle for unity in 1848. 

"The consequence of their refusal was the collapse of that 
struggle, and the Bavarian Government was forced to fall 
back on the Diet. Intervention was the keystone of the 
policy to which it was forced, partly at least, by the decision 
of the people. The result of intervention was the celebrated 
report of the Federal Commissioners, and the resolution of March 
27, 1852, which was founded on it. This resolution suppressed 
the Hessian Constitution of 1831, and required the Elector to 
grant a new Constitution, and lay it before his State. 

"This Constitution was promulgated, but has not yet met 
with the State's acceptance. It is quite natural that on the 
one hand the Hessian people hold fast to their Constitution, 


and refuse to recognise the law as laid down in the Federal 
resolution of 1852, and that on the other hand, the Elector 
founds himself on the warranty which was given to him by the 
authority of that resolution. That is the essence of the so-called 
Hessian question. 

"I do not need to weary you with an exposition of the legal 
question. On that point you are already sufficiently well in- 
formed. I shall therefore only refer to Article 56 of the Act of the 
Vienna Convention, which is particularly relevant to the matter 
in hand. It is there stated that: 

"'A Parliamentary Constitution duly fulfilling its functions 
can only be altered by constitutional means.' 

"This Article was circumvented by the resolution of 1852. 
The Diet thought itself warranted in this course by the in- 
terpretation of the word 'constitutional,' which makes it 
apply not to the Federal, but to the local legislature. I need 
not controvert this interpretation at length. It is unwarrant- 
able, and may well be abandoned in the near future by the 
Diet itself. But, as we are confronted with a Federal resolution 
which takes no heed of Article 56 of the Vienna Convention, it 
is inferred that doubt is thereby thrown on the position of the 
Collective Constitutions of the several States of Germany. I 
share this view, and, moreover, I think there is reason for speaking 
out against this danger. That is the motive which led me to 
propose my motion, which consists of two parts, the protest and 
the petition to his Majesty the King. The Government has, 
indeed, in the Lower House, questioned the right of the 
Chambers to make a resolution of the Diet the subject of dis- 
cussion and decision. It is objected, on the other hand, that 
the matter is quite outside the competence of the Chambers, and 
my honourable friend the Reporter has just renewed the argu- 
ment that they are incompetent to deal with it. This would be 
all very well if the resolution had no reference whatever to the 
Bavarian Constitution. But that is not the case. On the contrary, 
his Majesty's Government collaborated in the composition of 
this resolution. Furthermore, they have accepted the principles 
which underlie it, and could not escape the consequences even 
if they would. For the Federal resolution is a binding law, I 
do not say for the several States, but for their Governments, 
who by the Federal Constitution are obliged as far as in them 
lies to give effect to such a resolution. 

"Now suppose a majority of the Federal Assembly went 
back on this resolution, or passed another based on similar 
principles, no German Government would be in a position to 
evade the finding of this majority, and in view of this precedent 
which you seek to establish, the Bavarian Government would 
be unable to oppose such a resolution, even if it referred to the 
Bavarian Constitution. No doubt you say that is an impossible 
situation, for our circumstances here are very different from 


the circumstances in Hesse which provoked the resolution 
of 1852. I fully share the hope which has been expressed that we 
may never find ourselves in a similar situation; but here we 
have not to do with hopes or beliefs, but with legal questions 
and legal principles, and in such a matter we cannot be too 
positive. If there is any risk or danger to the Bavarian Constitu- 
tion arising from the resolution, it must follow that the Chambers 
are competent to make the resolution the subject of discussion, 
and the question arises what means must be used to meet such 
danger. Like the honourable Reporter, I refer to sec. 25, c. vii., 
of the Constitution. In this paragraph is given the form 
of oath in which the States swear to maintain the Constitution. 
In this oath it is not merely provided that nothing shall be done 
contrary to the Constitution, but also there is laid down the duty 
and the right to see to it that the Constitution is univer- 
sally respected. In the case of a positive breach of the Con- 
stitution the course of the States is clear. They are to have 
recourse to complaint and impeachment. 

"There is no question of so serious a breach of the Constitution 
in this case. We have to deal only with a slight infraction 
of it, for as such must be regarded the risk to which the Con- 
stitution is exposed, and, therefore, in any case a protest and a 
petition to the Crown are warranted. 

"It has been asserted that this motion is untimely, and that 
there is no need to record a protest. ... I fully share the 
confidence which is felt in the sincerity of the Government's 
intentions, and those of Ministers opposite never to do anything 
unconstitutional. I have, however, tried to show that in this 
case everything does not turn on the will of the Government. I go 
further. I believe that the will of the Government is not sufficient, 
and that it must be supported by a protest from both sides 
of the House. Besides, reliance on the good intentions of the 
Government will only be confirmed if positive documents are 
available to prove that they dissociate themselves from the 
resolution, and the principles on which it rests. 

"But what sort of explanation has his Majesty's Minister 
given us? 

"I have read his speech in the Chamber of Representatives, 
and I have found that in principle he fully admits the right 
of the Federation to pass the resolution of 1852 in the form 
and manner in which it actually was passed. His Excellency 
observes : 

"I believe, gentlemen, you will have been convinced from 
this account that nothing arbitrary has been done, but that the 
Diet, taking its stand on the Federal Constitution, found itself 
warranted in doing what it did.' 

"You will hear the same explanation again in a little while 
from the Ministerial table. You will hear that the Ministry 
adopts the standpoint of the Federal Government in this 


question, and is committed to uphold their action as fully 

"I therefore consider that a protest is necessary. But I go 
further and propose a petition to the Crown. 

"The honourable Reporter has directed the whole weight 
of his argument against this petition, has attacked it as in- 
admissible, and has specially endeavoured to found his view 
on the contention that this petition has no connection with 
the Bavarian Constitution, and is therefore quite outside the 
proper sphere of action of this House. . . . 

"As to this, I have already shown that the maintenance of 
the Constitution belongs to the functions of the Chambers. 
If, then, it has been proved that there is a connection between 
the Federal resolution and its motives and the interests of our 
Constitution; if fears for our Constitution arise therefrom, then, 
by sec. 19, c. vii., of that Constitution, the Chambers have the 
privilege of bringing the wishes they may form and the pro- 
posals they may adopt to the notice of the Crown. . . . 

"It has been said that this is no time to bring forward such 
a motion, as the Federation is no longer in a position to pass a 
resolution on this subject. I will only now refer to the resolu- 
tion of 1860, which contains a requisition to the Hessian Govern- 
ment to proceed immediately with the establishment of their 
Constitution, and to forward a report to the Diet. In any case, 
then, the matter will again come under Federal discussion, and 
his Majesty's Government will have another opportunity of 
expressing their views to the Confederation. They will then 
be able to reinforce these views by the expressed opinion of 
the Chambers. 

"I must now hasten to conclude, and will only beg leave 
to make an observation on the political aspect of the question. 

"It is true that the Hessian question will be used as a means 
to political agitation and commotion. It will be used to awake 
distrust of the Government by the people. This is the ugly side 
of the Hessian question, but this cannot be placed in the scale 
against the importance of deciding the legal issue before us. . . . 

"At a time when, as a speaker in the Chamber of Representa- 
tives says, revolution has inscribed the words fait accompli 
on her banner, it is necessary that the Conservative forces in 
political life should inscribe the word Law on their banner, and 
should hold that banner high. I urge upon you, my lords, to show 
that you are a truly Conservative assembly, by maintaining 
the law's independence of all political considerations, and I 
therefore ask you to vote for my motion." 

On a division the Prince's motion was thrown out by 29 
against 8 votes. With him voted Count von Giech, Count 
Fugger-Hoheneck, Count zu Pappenheim, President von Harless, 
Freiherr von Franckenstein, Count von Holstein, and Herr von 


As is well known, the Constitutional question in Hesse was 
settled in 1862, in accordance with the claim of right advocated 
by Prince Hohenlohe. On March 8, 1862, Austria and Prussia 
brought forward a joint motion in the Diet to require the 
Hessian Government to take the necessary steps to put in force 
again the Constitution of 1831, which had been suppressed 
in 1852, subject to changes being constitutionally carried which 
were required to bring it into harmony with Federal law. On 
May 24 the Diet adopted the Austro-Prussian proposal. 
On the 26th came the fall of the reactionary Ministry at Cassel, 
and on June 22, 1862, the Hessian Constitution of 1831 was 

In the beginning of 1861 the Prince, in a correspondence 
with his brother, had raised the question whether he was entitled 
to a seat in the Prussian Upper House as owner of the domain 
of Treffurt, and so invested with a fief of the younger branch 
of the Ratibor-Corvey family by an entail confirmed by Friedrich 
Wilhelm IV. It appears from a letter from the Duke of Ratibor, 
dated April 14, 1861, that the King had expressed his readiness 
to receive an immediate application from the Prince as to his 
entry into the Upper House, as "he would regard him as a 
valuable acquisition for Crown and country in these difficult 

After the Hessian debate in the Chamber the Prince replied 
to this communication in the following terms: 

MUNICH, May 14, 1861. 

With reference to the subject above mentioned, I will tell 
you frankly that I find myself in a curious difficulty. Of course 
I want to be admitted to the Upper House. But I know the 
circumstances and the opinions that prevail here too well not 
to foresee that any step directly taken by me in that direction 
will be taken very ill. I have made deadly enemies of the 
Bavarian Particularists, of the Court, even of the King, by my 
speech on the Hessian question. Now, if these gentlemen 
hear that I have been named a member of the Upper House 
"at my special desire," they will draw the conclusion that I 
intend to give up my position here entirely, that, therefore, 
I wish to give up being a Bavarian, and that I don't want to 
have anything more to do with them. This, however, is not so. 
I think, on the contrary, that the two positions are perfectly 
compatible. The following reproach will also be cast in my 
teeth. They will say, "Oh, yes, now we understand why Prince 
Hohenlohe took such a strong line on the Hessian question. 
We always said that it was and they alone the National League 
party who brought the Hessian question on the tapis in Bavaria. 
Clearly Prince Hohenlohe belongs to this party, as he has solicited 
a seat in the Prussian Upper House, and he will sell Bavaria 
to Prussia," and so on, in the same silly style. 



If, then, the King were graciously pleased, without my 
applying, to name me a member of the House on the ground 
that I am the beneficiary of the entail confirmed by his Majesty, 
King Friedrich Wilhelm IV., I should be most grateful, and 
I could represent it here as being a perfectly natural consequence 
of my owning land in Prussia. To make an application would 
be very difficult for me at this moment. 






BADEN-BADEN, July 17, 1861. 

"The news of the attempt * on the life of the King of Prussia 
brought me to Baden to pay my respects to his Majesty. I met 
several high personages on the way bound on the same errand, 
some as emissaries of their Sovereigns, others on their own 
account, as, for instance, Count Adlerberg. 

"All Baden was full of indignation at the deed and of joy at 
the King's marvellous escape. They say the pistol was fired point- 
blank at him. There is a pretty severe contusion, but the King goes 
out although his neck is still somewhat stiff, as I noticed when he 
spoke to me to-day on the promenade. 

" On my arrival yesterday I called on the equerries on duty and 
heard from them the details of the attempt, which are of course in 
all the papers. A remarkable congratulatory address was sent 
to the King's Aide-de-camp from Tharandt. It ran somewhat as 
follows : ' The Prussian students in Tharandt * drink with 
rejoicing patriotism to the happy escape of the King, and 
perdition to the assassin.' 

"I called to-day on von Roggenbach, the Minister for Baden. 
We soon got on to the subject of German politics. He expressed 
himself to the following effect : There were no grounds whatever 
for identifying him with the National Union or reproaching him 
with trying to force Prussia into a Unionist policy. He con- 
sidered the National Union not only useless, but positively harm- 
ful; it represented the irregular troops in the campaign. The 
really important thing was that Prussia should know definitely 
what she wanted. If they felt they had not the courage to put 
themselves at the head of Germany they had better "leave the 
cart in the stable." As, however, even the timid people must 

* By the student Becker on July 14, 1861. 
t Reiben einen patriotischen Salamander. 


admit that something would have to be done to meet the de- 
mand for greater unity as it was in the interests of various 
ruling houses to abandon the defence of positions which had 
become untenable it was necessary to have a clear view of one's 
aim. In his opinion Prussia should pursue neither a policy of 
annexation nor of union. The former was self-evident. By the 
latter he meant a policy which sought to apply concentration to 
spheres where it was unnecessary, impracticable, and, as regards 
the maintenance of the separate States, dangerous, as, for instance, 
the adoption of a universal legislature or the like. Above all, he 
considered it imperative that the separate German States should 
relinquish what, as a matter of fact, they do not possess, namely, 
the defence of Germany and the representation of Germany in 
other countries. Austria must go her own way, and would do so 
as soon as she dropped her present policy of propaganda and 
turned to the policy of securing her legitimate interests. She 
would then see that she must lighten herself of her ballast of 
German policy; and Austrian influence once removed from the 
Middle German States, they would be much more likely to con- 
form to Prussian political ideas. 

In the course of conversation we touched upon the position of 
the German upper classes. Roggenbach said he rejoiced to see 
how many of the landed nobility had abandoned the pitiable 
role of being dragged at the chariot wheels of the particularist 
Junker policy. This they must do in self-preservation. Their 
order spread all over Germany ; their politics therefore should be 
German too. They were the class on which a German Constitu- 
tion might found itself and so forth. In much of all this 
Roggenbach was of course "suiting his company," but there is 
a kernel of truth in what he said. He advised a general union 
of German landed proprietors. I told him of the experiments 
on these lines of the attendant difficulties. 

The King received me with his wonted kindness, thanked 
me for my sympathy and for having come so soon. I apologised 
for having added even one more to the number of audiences. He 
was still unwell and fatigued and sat in an arm-chair, I opposite 
at the writing-table. He spoke first of Berlin, of the Upper 
House, of the Reichsrath in Munich, &c. Presently he said: 
"You remember when I saw you here last year how all the 
German States were on good terms with Prussia;* they had 
confidence in me. That is all changed now, there is much distrust 
and dissension of every kind. We then touched on the Hessian 
question, which he handled with thorough knowledge. Here 
Austria and Bavaria were the most difficult to deal with. He did 
not deny that the change of government in Prussia since the over- 
throw of the Hessian Constitution had made it easier for him to 
turn back than for Austria, where there had been no change either 
of Sovereign or Ministers. However, there was now no other way 
* The Congress at Baden in June 1860. 



but to turn back. Finally he thanked me once more and I took 
my leave. 

Memorandum of the year 1862. 

Among German statesmen and politicians there are many 
who declare the dissatisfaction which has recently seized upon 
the people to be wholly groundless. In their opinion the political 
condition of Germany, though it no doubt leaves much to be 
desired, is, on the whole, satisfactory, and only deliberate ill-will 
could blind any one to the advantages offered by the existing 
federal constitution. These gentlemen compare the Germany 
of to-day with Germany as rearranged by the Imperial Commis- 
sion of 1803,* and consider the federative organisation of the 
German Confederation as it emerged from the laborious negotia- 
tions of the Congress of Vienna infinitely preferable to the dis- 
organisation of the old Empire. In this they are no doubt right, 
for the worst defects of our present military organisation are 
perfection compared with the old system of district contingents, 
&c., in the days of the German Empire. The most regrettable 
resolutions of the Diet of the Confederation are miracles of wisdom 
compared to the deliberations of the Diet of Regensberg and our 
present division of States looks imposing when placed side by 
side with the patchwork map of the German Empire at the time 
of the Peace of Luneville. 

If, nevertheless, the commendable points of our Federal Con- 
stitution are not appreciated, and the desire for its reform finds 
determined expression on all sides, the reason will be found to lie 
mainly in one cause among many which has perhaps not 
received sufficient attention. It is a well-known fact that in 
no part of Germany does the idea of German unity enjoy greater 
popularity than in the South- Western States. 

While Austria and Prussia treat the question of an improve- 
ment in the Federal Constitution either as an unimportant detail 
or use it as means of increasing their influence in Germany, or for 
their own aggrandisement, in South-Western Germany it is 
regarded as a matter of life and death and is the unceasing object 
of anxious thought to politicians and eager excitement to the 

No one in his senses will attribute this movement to revo- 
lutionary agitators. Movements of this kind cannot be artificially 
produced, their roots lie deep. We believe that the true cause 
lies in the fact more or less consciously recognised that the 
greater portion of the German nation has no voice in deter- 

*The Reichsdeputationshauptschluss of February 25, 1803, embodied 
the decisions arrived at by a commission appointed by the Reichstag of 
the old Empire. It provided (inter alia) for the secularisation of all the 
ecclesiastical principalities, &c., mediatised most of the Imperial free 
cities, and effected a considerable rearrangement of the territories of the 
smaller states. 


mining its destinies, these destinies in relation to the out- 
side world being settled by Austria and Prussia alone, to the 
exclusion of the other sixteen millions of Germans. This sense of 
exclusion weighs more heavily and is more bitter because South- 
West Germany is the true source of the race, where the strain 
is purest, whereas in Austria and Prussia the Teutonic element is 
largely mingled with the Slav. Here, too, in the South West, 
lies the cradle of our greatest ruling Houses; from this part 
of Germany more particularly came the men who have exercised 
the greatest influence over the intellectual development of the 
nation; even to the present day the most prominent statesmen 
in Austria and Prussia were of South German origin. This bitter- 
ness is naturally intensified the more the people of these parts 
become conscious of their intellectual and material superiority, and 
yet find their political activity restricted to more or less local 

It is incontestable that, for the political education and 
invigoration of a people, they must have a share in these human 
interests which are called high politics. It is certain that in 
petty and narrow circumstances the individual citizen's horizon 
is restricted, and his energy, soundness of judgment and strength 
of character collapse and give place to a bourgeois sentimental- 
ity and an unwholesome spirit of cosmopolitanism. It cannot 
therefore be denied that the cry for German unity which now 
goes up from the German States of the middle and lesser ranks, 
is even as the struggle of a sick man to obtain the longed-for 
remedy which he knows will cure his disease, and which alone 
can save his life. 

There are social philosophers who will say in reply, the Germans 
are a Kulturvolk, whose mission is rather to guide the intellec- 
tual development and solve the great questions of humanity 
than to descend into the arena of political strife. We can only 
hope that those who find comfort in this thought are endowed 
with the resignation of the Jews, for the Jews, too, were a 
Kulturvolk. But we refuse to believe that the German nation 
has sunk so low as to find consolation for its political impo- 
tence in an empty name. 

Journey to Silesia and Berlin in the Winter of 1862. 

In undertaking this journey I had two objects in view: to 
discuss the question of the sale of Treffurt in Rauden; further 
to consult with Victor about entering the Upper House, after which 
I meant to go to Berlin and settle the matter. In connection 
with which plan others were to be fitted in. 

I arrived at Rauden on December 31 ; started off at once in 
bitter weather on a boar hunt, but shot nothing. 

The next day we had a great New Year's dinner, at which 


Justizrat Engelmann and Wiese were present, with whom I 
discussed the Treffurt business. 

After I had had a few days shooting in Rauden, Karl* came 
over from Koschentin, and I had some interesting conversations 
with him on the present political situation in Prussia. 

He admits, like all other sensible people in Prussia, that there 
is nothing for the Government but either to put itself boldly at the 
head of the movement or to adopt a more conservative attitude. 
Mere impartial good-nature all round will simply set both the 
Upper House and the Democrats against the Government, as the 
event of the elections has demonstrated. The democratic result 
of these was due to three causes : 

(1) Both country and townspeople are afraid of the burdens 
attendant on the new military organisation, and believe that the 
Democrats alone have the necessary pluck to stand up against 
the King's wishes in that matter. 

(2) The Ministry forbade the provincial officials to exercise 
any influence on the elections, which consequently fell into 
the hands of the Democratic District Councillors. 

(3) The Kreuzzeitung party would sooner see red Democrats 
than Liberal-Conservatives in office, so that their part in the 
elections was a doubtful one. 

In Oppeln I met the State Councillor Rudlofff and went 
on with him to Breslau. His opinions agreed pretty much 
with what I have just set down. I spent the day with him 
in Breslau, learnt much from him on the present situation, spoke 
of my plan regarding the Herrenhaus, and was advised to consult 
Privy Councillor von Obstfelder in Berlin. Victor and Prince 
Karl Lichnowsky joined me in the evening at the station, and I 
arrived in Berlin on the morning of the i4th. Here the necessary 
calls were made, I dined at the "Maison dore*e" and finished the 
evening at the Casino. On two evenings I drank tea with the 
Queen. On the first occasion I sat at the Queen's table between 
Frau von Lazareff and Hugo, % on the second between the Queen 
and Frau von Lazareff. There was an Ordensjest on Sunday the 
igth. We assembled at 11.30 in the new chapel of the Palace, 
which is almost too sumptuous for a Protestant church. There 
was a seething mass of Orders of every description. To the right 
of the altar were jauteuils for the Royal Family, opposite, on 
the left, the seats of the Knights of the Black Eagle. The 
rest of the Knights took their places according to the precedence 
of their Order. The Royal Family appeared at 12.30, the ladies 
wearing trains. Then began the service according to the Protes- 
tant Liturgy; the choir was excellent. The sermon, which was 
in good taste, purposeful and very well delivered, was preached 
by a Wiirtemberger named Hofmann. He described candour, 

* Prince Karl zu Hohenlohe-Ingelfingen (1820-1890). 

f Whom the Prince knew as a barrister in Coblentz. 

J Prince Hugo of Hohenlohe-Oehringen, Duke of Ujest (1816-1897). 


steadfastness and devotion to Christ as the three qualities which 
should adorn the true Knight. After the service came a grand 
dinner of five hundred covers. I sat between two Court ladies, 
Countess Brandenburg and Countess Schwerin. On the other 
side of the latter sat Field-Marshal Wrangel, who grew ex- 
tremely merry and noisy towards the end, as did the somewhat 
mixed company in the other rooms. It was all over by half- 
past four. 

BERLIN, January 18, 1862. 

At half -past two to-day I had audience with the Crown Prince. 
After a little conversation on general subjects he began about our 
family affairs, the entailed estates of Ratibor and Corvey, and 
about Treffurt too. At his request I explained it all to him and 
laid stress upon the fact that I thought of acquiring more property 
in Prussia. To this he replied that he was the more pleased to 
hear it as he had learnt with regret that I had renounced my 
intention of entering the Prussian Upper House. I then told 
him that I had consulted my brother last year as to the advisa- 
bility of my doing so, and had received a favourable answer, but 
that at that time and during the session of the Bavarian Par- 
liament I had not ventured to make an application in the 
matter. In consequence of this delay the report had got 
about that I had abandoned my previous intention. This was 
not the case at all. On the contrary, I was now in a position 
to take the necessary steps at any moment, as I considered 
the work in the Prussian Upper House entirely compatible 
with my duties in Bavaria, where we sat only once every three 
years. As to the political side of the question, that presented 
no difficulties to me I was already decried in Munich as a 
Prussian, and should, therefore, be neither better nor worse off 
in Bavaria than before. I then proceeded to give him a detailed 
account of my political history, beginning with a complete descrip- 
tion of the Imperial Mission, going on to my political position in 
Bavaria, laid stress on my vote in 1849 an d wound up by 
characterising my position at that time as a "Little German." 
The Prince listened with great attention, and then openly admitted 
his own " Little German" leanings; expressed his satisfac- 
tion at Herr von Roggenbach's work, and agreed with me entirely 
when I observed that considering the prevailing state of feeling 
in South Germany, and the extremely subtle and secret plans 
of the Emperor Napoleon, we could not proceed too carefully. 
Finally, I begged the Crown Prince to tell the King that I had by 
no means given up my intentions with regard to entering the 
Upper House, and was ready at any moment, if it pleased his 
Majesty, to take the necessary steps.* 

* The Prince gave up all idea of entering the Prussian Herrenhaus, 
however, in consequence of the struggle over the Constitution. On 
December 12, 1862, he wrote to the Duke of Ratibor: "It would seem 


BERLIN, January 21, 1862. 

This evening again I took tea with the Queen and had a long 
conversation with her on literature and literary people. She 
holds very sensible views on the intercourse with savants and the 
dangers attendant thereon. The King, as usual, came in rather 
later, was very cheerful and conversational, but sat so far away 
that I did not get a word with him till just before the end of the 

January 24. 

This morning the Queen sent me word I was to come to her at 
half -past three, "in morning-dress." As I knew that, for all their 
Anglomania, the frock-coat is not yet recognised at Court as 
morning-dress, I put on a dress-coat, but permitted myself a black 
tie. The Queen was out driving, but had deputed Countess 
Haacke to keep me company till her return. 

At four o'clock the Queen arrived, dismissed the Countess, and 
seating herself just as she was in bonnet and cloak at a table in the 
window, motioned me to a seat at the other end of the table. 

She said she was anxious to ask me a few questions which 
I was to answer quite frankly, regardless of who or what she was, 
simply as an old friend. Formerly the Prince of Hohenzollern 
had kept her in touch with politics, but his health had made 
his retirement absolutely necessary. She did not interfere at 
all in political matters, she only saw the Ministers when they 
came to tea, and therefore could not gain any information 
from them. She confessed to me frankly that she was greatly 
depressed. She had never imagined that ruling was so difficult, 
or that the circumstances of her new position would present them- 
selves to her in so wretched a light after so short a time. The 
King was irritable and disspirited, the outlook was very gloomy, 
the people with whom one came in contact, the party leaders, 
seemed to her so unpleasant, so far from being gentlemen in the 
English sense of the word. They all seemed up in arms against one 
another, so that she was thoroughly anxious, especially as she 
heard from all sides that the situation was critical. 

"The King and I," she continued, "are old people; we can 
hardly hope to do more than work for the future. But I wish I 
could look forward to a happier state of things for our son." 

She then turned to foreign politics. Here the question of 
German unity played the chief part. They bore a grudge against 
her personally on that account and cast aspersions on her. She 
advocated neither a policy of immobility nor of conquest; she 
stood fair between the two parties ; she would have every German 
ruler retain his rights, without, on the other hand, closing her ears 
to the urgent desires and needs of the times. 

to me nothing less than indelicate to apply to his Majesty for a seat in the 
Herrenhaus when I was almost sure, sooner or later, that my opinions 
would clash with those held by the Sovereign. 

VOL. i i 


When she had finished I rapidly debated in my own mind 
what her real aim might be. I could not quite see what she wanted, 
but I thought it best to give her my views quite openly. I began, 
therefore, by saying that I had always agreed with the old saying * 
which Dahlmann took for the motto of his policy: "We should 
neither weep nor laugh at human things, but endeavour to com- 
prehend them." Therefore I could not regard the present 
situation in Prussia so seriously. I begged her not to forget that 
by the legislation of the last forty years Prussia had become 
democratic through and through, and that this democratisation 
dated from a period which the Prussian people regarded with 
pride and glory. I pointed to the Ordensjest as being a typically 
Prussian but nevertheless a democratic ceremony. Though this 
spirit had been repressed during the reign of King Friedrich 
Wilhelm IV., that was, after all, only repression, not destruction ; 
with the new reign and the hopes engendered by it the old demo- 
cratic spirit had revived in full force. This was one reason for 
the Democratic elections; another was that the peasants and the 
rest of the tax-payers had thought that the Democrats, being less 
timid, would be more likely to cut down the Budget than the 
Ministerialists. To dissolve the Chamber, however, because of 
these elections, I should consider a great mistake. Circumstances 
might occur during the course of the session to make such a step 
necessary, but upon that I could not hazard an opinion. 

I also pointed out to the Queen that Constitutional Govern- 
ment in Prussia was barely ten years old; that many a move- 
ment which was looked upon as a political catastrophe was merely 
a symptom of that process of development which we in the 
South German States had passed through much earlier. The 
conflict between modern constitutionalism and the feudalism of the 
mediaeval State was naturally much fiercer in Prussia than 
elsewhere. This was a struggle which England had still before 
her, and which the majority of the Continental States had already 
fought out. 

It was, of course, to be regretted that in our political life 
we had not "gentlemen" to deal with, but it was a term for 
which, in this connection, we had no equivalent. 

As to foreign policy, I quite approved of her views. It was 
more necessary than ever to play a waiting game. The German 
question would be near its solution if revolutionary principles 
gained the upper hand in Europe, but further from it if the 
principle of "historic tradition" were given another trial. Just 
recently the latter event seemed to have come to pass. At such 
a moment, if the situation shows the faintest sign of becoming 
more stable, no German Prince dreams of renouncing a single 
right which is profitable to his officials. The number of Legations, 
for instance, will not be reduced. The whole question, I con- 
tinued, presented infinite difficulties, and at the moment I saw 

* Of Spinoza. 


no possibility of coming to any satisfactory conclusion. We 
conversed some time on this subject, on the indignation aroused 
by BernstorfFs note,* deplored the hostile attitude of the Allge- 
meine Zeitung, and so forth. 

Finally her Majesty said she was anxious to speak to me 
about my own position. "Leonille f has often told me she wished 
you would take some post in Prussia. That is my wish, too. 
We need you." Here followed some flattering remarks. "I 
think the only way is for you to enter the Upper House. Would 
it not be possible? Could you combine it with your duties in 
Bavaria? For those you must not give up. We have so few 
links with South Germany that this one would be of the utmost 
value." So that was her real object in this interview, to play 
the mediator between Prussian schemes and South Germany ! 

I explained that I had already made inquiries as to the feasi- 
bility of my entering the Upper House, that I had only deferred, 
and not abandoned, the idea last year, and that I had every in- 
tention of taking it up again, although there were sure to be 

After a few more remarks on personal matters she rose, still 
talking fast as she went towards the door, turned at the door, 
gave me her hand, which I touched respectfully with my lips, 
and disappeared. 


Extract from a letter to PRINCESS ELISE. 

PARIS, February 22, 1862. 

... I must confess that I am not enjoying myself particularly 
here. Amusement has no meaning for me except as a rest from 
work. But when a man of my age has no work he is bored. 
My interests are not here, but at home. What I see here only 
fills me with vexation. For here is a great nation with a national 
centre, vast, world-wide interests, plans and thoughts, while at 
home there is nothing but dissension, the splitting up of national 
energy, projects, and thought, and Germany fails to occupy 
the position which ought to be hers in times such as these. They 
class us here with the Poles a nation that has had its day, 

* Prussia had replied to von Beust, the Saxon Minister's scheme of 
reform, in which he proposed that Austria and Prussia should alternate 
in the Presidency of the Confederation, by a note of December 20, 1861, 
declaring that the formation of a Federal State within the Confederation was 
not only feasible, but that it was the only feasible plan. Against this 
Austria and the Middle German States protested in identical notes, 
February 2, 1862. 

t Princess Hohenlohe's step-mother, Princess Leonille of Sayn- 
Wittgenstein, an intimate friend of the Empress Augusta. 


by whose dissensions they can profit and whose remains they 
are already preparing to devour. All this detracts from the 
pleasure of my stay. I am too much of a politician to be 
able to help seeing everything from that point of view. 

PARIS, February 23. 

The sermon I heard to-day in the Church of St. Clothilde 
interested me in many respects. 

I went with Princess Wittgenstein, and we arrived at two 
o'clock, although the sermon was not to begin till a quarter-past 

The church is in beautiful Gothic style, and was only com- 
pleted in 1857. The stained glass is middling. The organ has 
a very beautiful tone, but the music during vespers is too pastoral 
in style, a sort of Swiss air with variations. The preacher, Father 
Felix, a Jesuit, a little man, perhaps thirty, perhaps forty years 
of age. He spoke very distinctly, now and then a trifle theatrically, 
but on the whole extremely well. 

The object of the sermon was to solicit contributions to 
a Carmelite monastery to be founded at Meaux. He answered 
the question as to the need of monasteries in general and of the 
Carmelites in particular by pointing to the egoism of the times which 
was apparent everywhere, and was the ruining of the home as well as 
of the State. " Uegoisme dans VEtat" he said, "c'est la tyrannic 
en haut, le servilisme en bas, la depravation par tout." This egoism, 
the radical evil of our day, manifested itself in three ways, as 
avarice, sensuality, and arrogance, and these the Carmelites 
sought to combat by taking the vows of poverty, chastity, and 
obedience. It was a well-thought-out and well-delivered sermon. 

February 24. 

This evening we were at Galiera's, where we found most of the 
Faubourg St. Germain assembled. Thiers was there and Monta- 
lembert, and the former Minister, Count Duchatel. The Due 
de Valencay, who had just returned from Berlin, talked of the 
prevailing tone there. An aged M. de Pontois regretted 
the disunion in Germany. Canofari, ex-Ambassador of the 
King of Naples, goes about with a face of gloom. He is a shrewd 
diplomatist, but will wait in vain, I fear, for the restoration of the 
kingdom of Naples. There is much talk of the scenes which have 
taken place in the Senate, and of Prince Napoleon's speech.* 
I am convinced that this speech was not made without the 
Emperor's approval, although yesterday both the Due de Tacher 
and the Due de Bassano assured everybody that the Emperor 
had no such views. On the contrary, the Emperor, feeling that 

*At the debate on the Address in the Senate on February 22, Prince 
Napoleon had made a very violent speech against the legitimist Count 
Laroche Jacquelin. 


the occupation of Rome has damaged him with the democratic 
party, has seized this opportunity to throw dust in their eyes 
by making them a concession through his cousin. 

PARIS, March 9. 

The German question is at present occupying all statesmen, 
not only of Germany but of all Europe. And very naturally. 
Every question of the present day which is seized upon and 
exploited by the party of revolution must absorb the attention of 
all thinking men, to a greater or less extent in proportion as 
the grievances and discontent underlying such "questions" are 
well founded. What we call " questions" nowadays are wide- 
spread movements, oscillations of the whole human race, enigmas 
which have to be solved. The German question did not spring 
fully armed from the heads of the demagogues; it arose out of 
the nature of things, and its spirit permeates every party in 
Germany. For a whole people whose separate component States 
are united by the tie of a common language and literature, who are 
moved by common interests, and who in consequence of increasing 
travelling facilities come daily into closer connection with one 
another, will not endure indefinitely a state of disintegration 
which degrades them to the position of being the plaything of 
foreign intrigues and the scorn of foreign nations. 

Herein lies the great danger, and this is the reason why even 
the most peaceable and conservative people in Germany have been 
driven to declare: "We must have union, and since we cannot 
achieve it by lawful methods, then it must be by revolution." 

Thus demagogy enlists decent people on its side and swells to 
a power which no Government can control. The question is : 
Can the revolution, which, though not immediate, is unavoidable, 
be obviated by prompt measures of reform ? 

The proposals hitherto made by the various Governments for 
reforming the Confederation are utterly impracticable. Herr 
von Beust's * scheme was merely a move to checkmate Prussia. 
Perfectly aware that Prussia would not accept it, the Middle 
German States made this cheap offer which they will never have 
an opportunity of carrying out. 

The word Pan-German has two meanings. Either it means 
"one great German Republic," in which the German-Austrian 
States would be included, or it is an empty phrase coined to work 
against Prussia and lull the good citizen to sleep. The Pan- 
German Federative State may be all very well in theory; in 
practice it is out of the question. It premises the renunciation 
by the rulers of certain sovereign rights which only the revolution 
will force them to give up. But if it came to that, if the revo- 
lution were such a power as to be able to force the German rulers 
to obey her behests, she would certainly not be satisfied with a 
Federative State. 

* See note, p. 115. 


A practical Pan- German programme has never existed and 
never will exist. 

The antagonism between Prussia and Austria may be deplored, 
but cannot be argued away. It is just as impossible that Prussia 
should be under Austria as Austria under Prussia. The monarchs 
and diplomatists can do nothing either for or against it. The 
people themselves will not have it so. All this talk of the revival 
of a German Empire under the House of Hapsburg is mere 
visionary nonsense. 

But if we do not want a Pan- German Republic, if we see that 
a continuance of the present state of affairs must lead to revo- 
lution, we must think of some plan which is not outside the bounds 
of possibility. The logical result is that we come back to Herr 
von Radowitz's idea: a Federal State under Prussia and an 
alliance with Austria. 

This plan miscarried because in 1849 people were not yet 
convinced that any other plan was impossible. Thirteen 
years have passed since then, and the idea has gained ground 
every day. But the idea of a Federal State also came to grief 
through the opposition of the Catholic party in Germany, to 
whom the prospect of putting themselves under a Protestant 
Emperor was most distasteful. There, I think, the Catholic 
party is wrong. By clinging to the Pan- German programme it 
only hinders reform without getting any nearer to the realisation 
of its desires. It works for stagnation and therefore revolution, 
whereas under a Prussian sovereign it would lose nothing, but 
would gain greater freedom for the Church. The position of 
the Catholics in Prussia as compared to their position elsewhere 
in Germany is a proof of this. 

It lies with this party now to decide whether the reform of the 
German Confederation shall be accomplished by peaceful methods 
or by revolution. If it takes up the idea of a National Assembly 
the various Governments will be obliged to yield. A conser- 
vative element will thereby be introduced into the movement 
which will be a guarantee for its remaining purely a movement 
of reform. 

A word from Montalembert to this effect would be of incal- 
culable importance and find instantaneous response. 

March 10. 

I laboured away at Montalembert to-day on the foregoing 
subject. He brought forward two arguments against it: 

(1) He complains of Prussian intolerance towards the Catho- 
lics, particularly in the matter of the Universities. He says that 
Friedrich Wilhelm III.'s hostile policy had set the Catholics 
against Prussia. Besides that, par suite d'un prejuge et de tradi- 
tions? the Catholics in Germany were attached to the House 
of Austria, and were consequently against Prussia. 

(2) He considers Herr von Radowitz's idea impracticable, 


because Austria was made for a Federal State, and would be 
unable to force her conflicting racial dependencies into any con- 
tinued unity. 

I vindicated Herr von Schmerling's ideas, and did my best 
to disprove his first contention. In the middle of it we were 

KARLSRUHE, September 26, 1862. 

While in Karlsruhe I managed to have several conversations 
with Roggenbach, partly about my private affairs, partly on 
questions of general political interest. At a supper at his house 
the Prussian question came up and was discussed by him and me 
and the two Holsteins. The present state of affairs, said Prince W. 
Holstein, was owing to the power and the influence still exercised 
by the Kruezzeitung party, not only in the Upper House, but 
towards the Crown and society in general. Everything was 
suffering under the pressure. There was a good deal of talk 
about details, the arrangements of administrative districts, &c., 
which Prince Fr. Holstein considered important. But Roggen- 
bach urged that the one thing needful was that the aristocracy, 
or a part of it, should put itself at the head of the movement 
so far as its claims were legitimate, and that they should leaven 
the Liberal party with a Conservative element, instead of seeking 
to import Liberalism into the various Conservative groups. The 
rest would follow. 

With regard to the German question, Roggenbach observed 
that it could not be fully discussed till some great European 
question, such as the Eastern, should give a handle for forcing 
the Powers into making concessions to Germany. She could 
not constitute herself de but en blanc into a united State without 
taking the European balance of power into consideration and 
instantly calling a coalition against her into being. This would, 
however, be avoided if the Powers were divided on some 
other European question, and an opportunity was thus afforded 
to throw the concession regarding the German and Holstein 
questions into the balance as a makeweight to the alliance. 

At the Court ball Prince W. Holstein and Roggenbach re- 
turned to the Prussian question, and Roggenbach emphasised 
the fact that, above all things, it was necessary to form a party 
in the Upper House, who were capable of administration and who 
could take the initiative and gain the respect of the country, so 
that, should a crisis occur, they would stand out as men of whom 
a Government might be formed. 

In my last conference with Roggenbach, when we were alone, 
we first discussed Austria's position in Germany. Austria's 
business, he said, was to reduce her sphere of influence within 
definite limits and to settle her attitude to Germany, thus fixing 
her position in accordance with what was possible. Her present 
aim was to destroy Prussia and make herself sovereign of Mid- 
Europe. This was a task, however, quite beyond her power to 


carry out. Europe would never suffer the destruction of Protes- 
tant Prussia, and Austria's supremacy in Germany was absolutely 
conditional on that destruction. If, therefore, the object of these 
enthusiasts in Austria was unattainable, the whole matter became 
a fruitless agitation, with possibly dire consequences to Austria. 
The moment the Pan- German programme ceased to be negative 
it became a radical one. He quite agreed with me that to have 
a Parliament without a strong central government was to play 
into the hands of the revolution. 

As regards my own position, he said at the close of the inter- 
view: "When the present Crown Prince came to the throne, 
they would have to look about for a man whose position, 
education, and views fitted him for the post of Premier. He 
knew no one so suitable as myself, and the way was being prepared. 
As Minister for Foreign Affairs in such a case he should propose 
Usedom. (I fancy, however, he was really thinking of himself, 
for Usedom is quite unsuited to the post.) 

His programme seems to smack somewhat of Cavour. 
He wants to put Prussia at the head of Germany, at Austria's 
expense. If Austria goes under, the Austro- German provinces 
will fall naturally to Germany. That is the fin mot of the Little 
German programme. Once "Little Germany" is constituted, 
Austria is to be the German Venetia. That is why Herr 
Metz of Darmstadt let the cat out of the bag when he spoke of the 
Austrians as our "whipping boys." This was premature, but 
we shall hear of it again. 

Roggenbach thinks that all these assemblies in Frankfurt, 
Weimar, and so on will come to nothing. To my objection that 
they knew nothing of me, supposing I ever came to be Prussian 
Premier, he answered very naively: "If you serve a dish, you 
supply the sauce to it. The Press will see to that." 

Journey to Frankfurt to the Congress of German Princes. 

Friday, August 14, left Munich at six in the morning for 
Frankfurt via Ulm and Stuttgart. 

At one of the numerous changes I was joined by Count Wald- 
stein, a member of the Austrian Upper House, who was also on 
his way to the Congress at Frankfurt. He told me much that 
was interesting about affairs in Bohemia, and appeared to belong 
to the Unionist party. His opinions on the German-Czech 
aristocratic party were most sensible. The decorations were in 
progress at the stations all along the route. The heat was beyond 
words. We arrived at Frankfurt in a boiling condition. I se- 
cured a modest room at the Hotel de Russie, and hastened to 
change my clothes and go down to dinner. There, to my very 
agreeable surprise, I found Mulhens, and we spent the evening 


together, going after dinner, first to Madame Metzler, then for a 
moment to the theatre, where we saw the last act of The Merchant 
oj Venice. 

I have heard nothing as yet about the Congress; everybody 
is too busy decorating their houses, arranging the procession and 
suitable quarters for the exalted personages who are expected. 

August 15. 

At ten o'clock to the Duke of Coburg. I found him delighted 
that the idea suggested by the Emperor had been carried out. 
He thinks the Emperor should at once lay a fresh Constitution 
for the Confederation before the German Princes. Prussia would 
then withdraw from the Confederation, but in a fortnight's time 
would be only too glad to enter it again. The King of Bavaria, 
he said, was furious, the other monarchs quite nonplussed; 
indeed it was altogether a very comical situation that these 
gentlemen, who had just forbidden the German flag in their 
dominions, should find themselves compelled to sit fuming under 
the magnificent black, red, and gold flag flying over their several 
residences here in Frankfurt. 

I next called on Pfordten.* He was very friendly, but 
seemed to take a gloomy view of the whole situation. He 
thought it peculiar that no communication had been made 
beforehand. That his friendship for Austria and antipathy 
against Prussia should have brought this upon him caused him 
a very disagreeable impression. He was evidently disconcerted 
and out of humour with Austria. I was not at all sorry to see 
him in this dilemma, which I had long ago predicted for 
these Bavarian gentlemen. I am curious about the King; they 
say he has suddenly developed extraordinary sympathy for 

At five o'clock in the afternoon I went with the Mulhens and 
Prince Bernhard Solms, with whom I had dined, to the Beifuss 
house, from the balcony of which we were to watch the Emperor's 
entry into the town. 

At six came the Emperor in an open caleche seated for two 
people. As they had expected he would arrive with eight 
horses and a great suite, of course nobody recognised him, and 
there was not one hurrah as he drove past. Only Frau von 
Bethmann, on our balcony, threw down a bouquet or two, but, 
fortunately for the Emperor, they missed the carriage. 

In the evening we strolled about the streets, and at nine 
o'clock I drove to Madame Metzler's, where I stayed till eleven. 
The King of Hanover arrived just as I got home. 

To-day, the i6th, great crowds in the streets, the Sovereigns 
visiting one another, the public staring and criticising. 

*Freiherr von der Pfordten represented Bavaria in the Diet of the 
Confederation from 1859 to 1864. 


The situation would seem to be as follows: Austria will 
bring forward a delegation scheme, the details of which are not 
known. The Duke of Coburg and Herr von Herstorf are 
supposed to have originated the idea. 

The King of Bavaria and the Grand Duke of Baden are against 
it, Wiirtemberg will accept it, of Hanover I know nothing. The 
Austrians have the best of it in any case. If nothing comes 
of it they can always say we were ready to do anything, but the 
German Sovereigns would not agree. If discontent and revolu- 
tion follow they will retire into the security of their united king- 
dom and fish in troubled waters. Should the Sovereigns agree, 
however, then Austria will gain what she has long hankered 
after: the supremacy over a dominion of seventy million souls. 
Regarded thus the coup is extremely adroit, but whether in the 
interests of Germany is another question. 


It appears that the scheme for the new Constitution is not so 
bad after all a Directorate, a Council of Princes in which the 
Free Cities will have a vote, and a House of Delegates with pretty 
extensive powers. A deputation of the Princes will be sent to 
request the concurrence of Prussia. The first debate is to take 
place to-morrow. God grant that the opposition which is bound 
to arise may not wreck the whole business. 

My day was spent mostly in the streets. At every turn one 
met ministers and diplomatists, Apponyi from London, Larisch, 
Schrenck, and so on. I paid my respects to the Duke of Augus- 
tenburg at the Englischer Hof . 

In the evening fatigue and a stroll through the Zoological 

At eleven o'clock of the same day Hermann * came to me to say 
that he was to have an interview to-morrow with State Councillor 
Samwer, attached to the Duke of Coburg, on the subject of the 
position of the Free Cities in the Council of Princes. He wished 
me to be present. 

August iS. 

In consequence, I went this morning to the Duke of Coburg's, 
where I found the Duke at breakfast with Hermann, Erbach, and 
a few gentlemen. 

The new Constitution was discussed and I now heard the 
details of the project. 

A Directorate will be formed of five members, Austria to 
have one vote, Prussia one, Bavaria one. The Assembly of 
Princes will consist of the former Diet. 

The nobles are to have a share in the Legislative vote in the 
Council of Princes. This has already met with opposition. The 

* Prince Hermann of Hohenlohe-Langenberg, the present Governor 
of Alsace-Lorraine. 


question to be decided in Hermann's consultation with Samwer 
is, therefore, whether we are to use our efforts to get into 
the Federal Council. We thought, however, it would be 
more to the purpose to enter the Council of Princes. There is 
not much to be done either way, only by the latter means 
you maintain the principle of equality of birth. This is Samwer's 
opinion too. However, to his thinking this Constitution by no 
means settles the question of the Federal State. The Constitu- 
tion would not last very long, and then the question of the Federal 
State would come up just as before. 

At eleven o'clock the meeting is to take place at which the 
Emperor will lay the project before the Sovereigns. The King of 
Bavaria will reply, they say. The Sovereigns will then enter into 
debate upon the question, which will last for several days. There 
is talk of a deputation of Princes, with the King of Saxony at 
its head, to be sent to Baden to the King of Prussia. It is not 
thought that Prussia will retire from the Confederation, especially 
if Hanover joins it. 

On Monday, August 17, 1 determined to go to Munich, return- 
ing on Thursday, as there must necessarily be a pause in the 
proceedings during those days. The Assembly of Princes had 
decided to address a letter to the King of Prussia. 

After one day in Munich I returned to Frankfurt on Thursday 
the 2oth. The King of Saxony * had not yet returned. In the 
evening I went to the Duke of Coburg's, where I found Hermann. 
Here I noticed at once that the situation was completely changed. 
The Duke lamented that nothing would be achieved; that his 
brother-in-law, the Grand Duke of Baden, was agitating vigorously 
against the scheme; that behind the Grand Duke stood the 
Gotha party, with Hausser and Bluntschli at its head, determined 
to oppose Austria; that the Grand Duke obstructed every- 
thing, stirred up the Princes against Austria, and was personally 
discourteous to the Emperor. 

I went home with Hermann, who was going back to Langen- 
burg the next morning. 

Friday, August 21. 

This morning to the sitting of the Diet of Deputies, which is 
held in a fine room in the so-called Saalbau with roomy galleries. 
The Standing Committee of the Diet proposed without further cere- 
mony to elect the officers and to that end proposed Bennigsen, 
Unruh, and Earth, who were accordingly at once nominated 
Presidents. Benningsen made a kind of inaugural address in a 
well-modulated voice, and admirably expressed. He looks young 
and has the assured manner of a man who has moved much in 
public life. Unruh is the typical Prussian Government official. 
Barth was no stranger to me. The most important of the speeches 

* Who had gone to Baden on August 19 as the bearer of the letter from 
the Assembly to the King of Prussia. 


was that of Hausser, wherein he very clearly expounded the 
attitude of his party as regards the Emperor's projects of re- 
form. I saw at once from this that Austria has nothing to hope 
for from the Liberal party in Germany, who hold fast to the su- 
premacy of Prussia and the programme of the National Union. 
Welcker, who has grown very old, spoke with his wonted energy 
for a National Constitution. Schulze-Delitzsch's speech was 
fine, but more suited to a popular meeting. Some of the other 
speakers were absolutely below criticism, for instance, a mouthing 
Jew called Fischer from Breslau, a Herr Becker, and one or two 
others unknown to fame. 

I was there again in the afternoon, but as I could not stay 
after four I missed Volk's speech, which was good, I hear. At five 
o'clock I dined at the Russicher Hof with Larisch, who is here 
as Minister for Altenburg. He, in his good old familiar way, is 
frankly against the Austrian Reform scheme. He holds the Reform 
to be impossible without the absolute equality of the two Great 
Powers, and that such equality is impossible within the Confedera- 
tion. To have a Confederation containing Austria would simply 
be to perpetuate the present state of things. To set Austria at 
the head of a Federal State would mean the humiliation of Prussia 
in which the smaller Sovereigns had no wish to lend a hand, and 
to which the Prussian people and the Prussian Army would never 
submit. This is the opinion of Oldenburg, Baden, Meiningen, 
Altenburg, and others. Darmstadt and Nassau side with Austria, 
as does Saxony most probably, because the shrewd Herr von 
Beust thinks nothing will come of it anyhow. Bavaria withholds 
her opinion as yet; Wiirtemberg too is undecided. As the 
Liberal masses are not satisfied with the Reform projects, the 
Sovereigns say to themselves, Why should we surrender' our 
independence if even our own Liberals are not going to thank us ? 
For Austria, of course, they will not stir a step for all their ostenta- 
tious display of sympathy. Prussia's absence from the Congress is 
a splendid excuse for their doing nothing. And now the German 
Diet of Deputies is supporting them ! If these professors under- 
stood their own interests they would have got their Parliament 
even if it were made up only of delegates; they would at least 
have had something to take hold of and could have rearranged 
things later as circumstances permitted. Instead of which they 
foolishly cling to the idea of a National Constitution, which no 
human being will ever give them, and so finally will get nothing 
at all. Once more I have thoroughly convinced myself that the 
German people are not ripe for a United Germany. If they ever 
will be God alone knows. 

At Roggenbach's I found a number of diplomats of the Prus- 
sian persuasion putting their heads together. This is the head- 
quarters of those who oppose the scheme because they do not 
want Austria in Germany. They want to remain pure unadul- 
terated German no concessions to Austria. Here Liberalism 


is mixed with a due care for the maintenance of the individual 
sovereignties and for their personal ambitions; and great stress 
will be laid on the principle that Prussia must not be out-voted. 
All these gentlemen are favourable to Prussia, but they are joined 
in secret by many who were hitherto on the side of Austria, and 
still are so openly. They are ostensibly displeased at the conduct 
of Austria's enemies, but in their hearts are thankful to be able to 
draw their heads out of the halter of the Austrian Confederation 

To-day, the 22nd, at one o'clock in the morning, Austria sent 
round a proposal in which the Princes are asked definitely to 
accept in the conference to-day the chief points in their favour, 
and leave the details to be discussed by the Ministers. Great 
consternation among the smaller opponents. Even the Duke of 
Coburg thinks this is going too far and that the petty Sovereigns 
should not submit to it. Great driving about of the Ministers in 
the early morning. The conference takes place at eleven o'clock. 
It appears, however, that Austria has lost the game. In my opinion 
they quite deceived themselves in Vienna as to the feeling among 
the petty Sovereigns. They imagined they had them safely bagged 
and that Prussia was to be annihilated by a coup d'etat. This 
has missed fire because the German sovereigns at once formed 
front against Austria when they saw she meant to crush one 
or other of them. Had Austria known her ground better she 
would not have carried out this manoeuvre, or else she should 
have adopted a more revolutionary programme and won over 
democracy by a Democratic Constitution. 

AugUSt 22. 

Austria withdrew the proposal she sent round in the night, 
at the instance, it appears, of the King of Saxony. The con- 
ference then took place with much stormy discussion, I am told. 
Down to Article 6 they were agreed, except as to Article 3 
the Directorate which was set aside for further debate this 
afternoon. The petty Princes are unwilling to put themselves 
unconditionally under this Directorate of Five; they wish that 
it should represent the united sovereignty of the German Con- 
federated State, but not the supremacy of one ruler over another. 
They therefore wish to provide that the Directory must lay a 
sort of account of its stewardship before the Council of Princes. 
The Kings are not satisfied with a Directory of Five Saxony 
proposes six, of whom Austria and Prussia are to choose two, 
Bavaria one, Saxony, Wurtemberg, and Hanover two, and the 
rest of the Princes one. 

This is to be put to the vote to-morrow in the Emperor's 
presence. This one point settled, the rest will not take very 
long, so that Wednesday will probably see the end of it all. 

In the evening there was a ball at Baron Bethmann's. I met 
a number of people I knew Herr von Vincke (Gisbert), who now 


lives here, Steinberg, Dumreicher, Zacharia from Gottingen, and 
others. The Grand Duke of Baden drew me aside to give me his 
views. The Grand Duke of Weimar invited me to Weimar in the 
autumn. I spoke besides to the Duke and the Hereditary 
Prince of Meiningen, to Rechberg, Crenneville, Schrenck, and 
many others. The news that the Bavarian Chamber has declared 
for the draft Constitution made a great sensation. 

Herr von Kerstorft remarked that it was high time the 
Sovereigns cleared out of Frankfurt, " they were beginning to bore 

Prince and Princess Metternich were also present at the ball, 
the latter in a somewhat conspicuous toilette and very much 

I drove to the races this afternoon with Lerchenfeld and 
Hompesch. On the Royal stand were the Emperor, the Elector 
of Hesse, the Duke of Meiningen, and a few more. 

After the races to the Grand Duke of Baden. He gave me 
details of the conference, and said that those Sovereigns who 
raised any objections to the Reform Act were terrorised by 
Austria and the majority. He had ventured to point out that 
the discussion could not be carried on without some show of 
business order, but no one took any notice. They went on talk- 
ing, and at last the Emperor said: "We will try putting the 
separate paragraphs to the vote," and this "trial" proceeding 
was forthwith employed for good. Immediately after the reading 
of the first Article on the purpose of the Confederation, the 
Emperor had asked if any one had anything to say against it. 
No one spoke, so he, the Grand Duke, observed that this Article 
covered the most important constitutional questions, but as 
none of those present expressed any opinion on the subject, he 
concluded that they had no wish to discuss it. At this, general 
murmuring; he was asked if he had anything better to suggest, 
and so forth. Altogether any opinion differing in the least from 
the Austrian was put down by terrorism and intrigue. The 
Grand Duke seems persuaded that they are trying to crush 
Prussia, and that it is his special mission to prevent this. In 
the evening at Madame Metzler's I found Prince Metternich, 
Rechberg, the Hereditary Prince of Meiningen, a few diplomats, 
and a great many of the elegant ladies of Frankfurt. I soon 
took myself off again. 

August 24. 

In the afternoon, before my departure, I looked in for a mo- 
ment on the Duke, who had just come from the conference and 
was very pleased at the result (six members in the Directorate). 
He has hopes of the matter being accomplished. 

At four I left for Sayn, convinced that nothing could be done 
in the interests of the nobles, and worn out by the irritation of 
only hearing half of what was going on and yet being pestered 


for my opinion by people who were thoroughly acquainted with 
all that happened, and more convinced than ever of the wisdom 
of minding one's own business. 


MUNICH, February 18, 1864. 

Yesterday I called on Bodenstedt. I had learned that he 
wanted me to join the Schleswig-Holstein League, and that this 
was a means of my becoming a Minister which he and the Liberal 
party in Bavaria consider necessary. Bodenstedt regretted 
that I had not come sooner; I could have been of use then in the 
league; now it was almost too late. He complained of Schrenck 
and his inaction, believes that the King would act quite differently 
if he had another Minister, and told me that Schrenck had already 
broached the Schleswig-Holstein subject to the King, and had 
said that Germany looked to the King in the matter, &c. 

To-day, then, I went to Schrenck.* He began by saying 
he had heard I was going to join their league. On my denying 
this, he lectured me, saying that on so sacred a matter one had 
no right to conceal one's true opinions, and so forth and so on. 
I replied that I had never concealed my political opinions when 
there was call to express them; besides, everybody in Bavaria 
knew what my opinions were. The following consideration, 
however, rendered my entry into the league impossible. It was 
my belief that the Schleswig-Holstein associations would shortly 
find themselves compelled to choose between two paths: either 
to abandon lawful tactics or, yielding to superior force, retire into 
private life, and neither of these alternatives were to my taste. 
If I once joined an association, I would accept all the logical con- 
sequences arising out of that step. It was not my way to look 
back when I had once set my hand to the plough. But as, 
given certain circumstances, I saw revolution ahead as the 
inevitable consequence of these associations, I preferred not to 
have any part in them. 

To Schrenck's plea that the league was composed of most 
responsible men he instanced Ringeis I returned that I must 
maintain, with all due modesty, that if I entered the league 
it would give it a political colouring. In the course of the 
conversation I explained my programme, showed him that for 
Bavaria it was a matter of life and death, and that for the main- 
tenance of her independence a Parliament of Mid-German 
States must be called together and a definite policy set up. 

* Minister for Foreign Affairs and for Commerce, 1850^1864. 


MUNICH, March 12, 1864. 

Meanwhile various events have occurred. The death of the 
King* will make no difference for the present in the policy of 
the Schleswig-Holstein question. Schrenck will remain in office. 

The matter stands thus: Hanover proposed, or tried to 
propose, that Denmark should be called upon by the Confedera- 
tion to put a stop to the seizing of German vessels. (Austria is 
against it, consequently the proposal will never be made.) In 
the event of refusal, the Confederation is to declare war on 
Denmark. The paramount Powers, however, will not recognize 
the Confederation. 

In the same way, Darmstadt is said to have required that the 
troops of the Confederation should be employed against Denmark. 
This, too, is refused by Austria and Prussia. The assistance of 
separate German States will be accepted, but not that of the 
Confederation. The paramount Powers want to keep the affair 
in their own hands. 

The proposal of a debate on the question of the succession is 
to be delayed as long as possible. The German paramount 
Powers will not hear of convening the Holstein Deputies. They 
insist on a free hand. Herr von Bismarck, it appears, has taken 
Austria in tow. 

Archduke Albrecht's mission is partly of general interest, 
partly for the opening up of friendlier relations. But special 
propositions were made, too; in particular as regards the treat- 
ment of proposals made by the Confederation, on which subject 
the Austrian Gpvernment is at variance with the Confederation. 
The Bavarian Government, especially the late King Max, held 
their ground, however. 

Prince Hohenlohe was among the most decided followers of 
Duke Frederick. With twelve other members of the Bavarian 
Upper House, he addressed the following letter, dated May 12, 
1864, to Herr von Beust, the representative of the German 
Confederation at the London Conference: 

"Your Excellency already possesses many written evidences 
of the prevailing feeling in Germany as regards the German- 
Danish conflict In addressing to your Excellency yet another 
letter on the subject, the undersigned members of the Upper 
Chamber of the Legislature of the Kingdom of Bavaria 
are acting not only in full agreement with the stand- 
point always maintained by their own Government, but in 
the consoling assurance that your Excellency shares their 
convictions, and that you have ever laid your decisive word in 
the balance for right and justice. By ancient chartered right 
the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein can claim indivisible union 
under a Duke of their own. At the death of Friedrich VII., 

* King Maximilian II. of Bavaria, died March 10, 1864. 


King of Denmark, Duke of Schleswig-Holstein, the indubitable 
right to the ducal throne of Schleswig and Holstein devolved 
upon Duke Friedrich VIII. of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg- 
Augustenburg. By the undisputed and indisputable principles 
of private and general law, no one therefore not even the 
Great Powers of Europe is warranted in adopting measures 
inimical to the clearly proved rights of third parties in this case 
Duke Friedrich VIII., the Representatives of the Duchies, and, 
in so far as Holstein is concerned, the German Confederation. 
As such unwarrantable proceedings would react disastrously 
and irremediably on the interests, and deeply violate the 
sense of justice of the German nation, we confidently hope 
that your Excellency, as the authorised representative of 
the German Confederation at the London Conference, will use 
your utmost endeavours to bring about a solution to this 
difficulty which shall satisfy the just claims of the legitimate 
successor, of the people of Schleswig-Holstein, and of the German 

"As the Landtag is not sitting at present, and the 
people are without representation in the Confederation, it rests 
with individual members to voice the general anxiety of the 
nation and openly express their conscientious convictions in this 
question, which so profoundly affects the honour of Germany. 
At the same time, may we beg your Excellency to accept this 
expression of the firm confidence with which we are inspired by 
the knowledge that the honour and interests of Germany are in 
your Excellency's hands?" 

To which Herr von Beust replied : 

LONDON, May 20, 1864. 

Your Highness did me the honour to send me a communica- 
tion, signed by several members of the Upper House of the 
Legislature of the Kingdom of Bavaria, containing a renewed 
and weighty expression of the prevailing sentiment in Germany 
touching -the justice of the German- Danish conflict. I beg to 
offer my respectful thanks to your Highness for this communica- 
tion, which I value all the more highly in that it affords me an- 
other and most encouraging proof of the fact that the political 
significance for the future of Germany of the mission which 
brings me here is recognised and appreciated to the full by the 
Conservative sections of the nation. 

I can say with a clear conscience that, in so far as my 
efforts are concerned, the flattering confidence expressed in the 
letter is not misplaced, and I look forward to justifying it by 
the success of my endeavours.* I have every hope that a 

*At the sitting of the London Conference, May 17, the Prussian 
Representative read the German declaration claiming for the Duchies 
complete political independence. Although this by no means excluded 
the Danish King from the succession, it was immediately rejected by 

VOL. i K 


solution of the question will be reached which will satisfy 
respectively the sense of justice and the political interests of 
the German nation and the wishes of the people of the 

Notes of a journey from Aussee by way of 
Wildalpen to Munich. 

October 2-10, 1864. 

... In Linz I bought a Presse, and saw from it that Schrenck 
had resigned. 

Arrived at Munich at ten o'clock. 

The next morning I attended to some commissions and then 
went to the Ludwigstrasse, where I met Venninger, who con- 
gratulated me on my nomination to the Premiership. He said 
I had been alluded to as President at the sitting of the Bank 
Committee. Soon afterwards I met Handelsgerichtsrat Voldern- 
dorff, with whom I went for a walk. He, too, spoke of the 
change of Ministry, and said that in Franconia they all counted 
on me and put their faith in my party. We discussed what 
course the Foreign Minister in Bavaria should adopt just 
now, and both agreed that the most important thing at present 
was to acquire influence over the young King, and for the rest 
to be discreet in the endeavour to put Bavaria at the head of the 
Mid- German States, to keep a firmer hand on Home government, 
no reaction, and in foreign affairs caution and independence. 

Oettingen complains of the difficulties a member of the Upper 
House has to encounter. Harless told me the King had declared 
he would make no member of the Upper House a Minister. 

The latest news names Hompesch as Minister of Foreign 
Affairs. When I found him at dinner at the Vier Jahreszeiten, 
he was not agreeably surprised to see me. This confirms my 
opinion that he has hopes. I saw the King at the theatre. He 
looks well. I could not help thinking, however, that he is 
beginning to take on his father's distrustful expression. 

My opponents are the Court, the lower nobility, the Ultra- 
montanes, and the Austrians. The intelligent middle classes 
are for me, and so are the Democrats. It looks, however, as if 
Prussian and Austrian influences were at work to bring about 
a reaction in Bavaria. They do not want me, at any rate, and 
with this conviction I calmly took my departure. 

Denmark, thereby putting the personal union with Denmark out of the ques- 
tion for good and all, and ensuring the continuance of the war with the object 
of completely detaching the Duchies from Denmark. Beust had declared 
at the sitting of the conference, in the name of the German Confederation, 
"que la major it e de la Diete ne consentirait pas a une solution qui, meme 
sous la forme d'un arrangement conditionnel ou eventuel, retablirait Vunion 
entre les Duches et le Danemarc" Count Beust, Aus drei Vierteljahr- 
hunderten, vol. i. p. 383. 


From a letter to PRINCESS ELISE. 

AUSSEE, October 29, 1864. 

. . . The Presse has a savage article against me from 
Munich. It accuses me of always appearing in Munich just 
before a change of Ministry, and speaks contemptuously of this 
unjustifiable pretension. It also throws my youth in my teeth ! 
I confess that the article rather annoyed me. But it is quite 
wholesome to be abused sometimes. 

From a letter to HERR VON MUHLENS in Baden. 

SCHILLINGSFIJRST, November 23, 1864. 

I have not been made Minister, in spite of the general report. 
The Bavarian Dynasty will not have a mediatised noble as 

This must be a family policy. Well, I cannot say I am sorry. 
Better never see the Cabinet than pass through it only to be 
shelved. . . . 


MUNICH, April 3, 1865. 

Your Majesty has graciously commanded me to acquaint 
you with the matter which led me to request an audience. I 
hasten to comply, and herewith lay at your Majesty'; feet the 
petition which it was my intention to prefer verbally. 

From the beginning of your Majesty's reign I have had 
continuous proof of your Majesty's gracious approval, which 
fills me with pride and the deepest gratitude. The sincere and 
heartfelt loyalty which I bear towards your Majesty inspires 
me with the earnest desire never to forfeit this gracious con- 
sideration, nor, above all things, your Majesty's respect. 

With the opening of Parliament, however, I am 'seized with 
the apprehension that your Majesty may receive reports of 
my activity in the Chamber, and of the motives inspiring me 
which might present me in a false light. 

Accustomed, in the debates in Parliament, to act strictly in 
accordance with my conscience and the obligations of my Oath, 
I cannot blind myself to the possibility of circumstances arising 
in which I shall be at variance with the Government. Your 
Majesty is too high-minded not to appreciate independence 
of opinion in the country's representatives, among whom the 
members of the Upper House may be reckoned. On that score 
I know I have nothing to fear. But I do fear misrepresentation 
as regards my motives. 

Consequently, should your Majesty ever happen to consider 
my words or action in the State Council of sufficient importance 
to claim your Majesty's attention, and to require explanation, 


I should be profoundly grateful if your Majesty would be 
graciously pleased to demand such explanation direct from 
me, or through your Majesty's Cabinet. 

This was the request which I was anxious to prefer in all 
submission verbally, but which I herewith venture to lay before 
your Majesty in writing. 

Two letters to QUEEN VICTORIA of England on social 
and political conditions in Germany, 1864, 1865. 

In the April of 1864 the Prince received a letter from his 
aunt, Princess Feodora of Hohenlohe-Langenburg, in which 
she mentioned a wish expressed by her sister, Queen Victoria. 

The Queen complained that since the death of the Prince 
Consort, her connection with Germany had been, to a certain ex- 
tent, severed ; and that there was no one to whom she could speak 
her mind openly, or from whom she could receive an unbiassed 
account of things. She had confidence in Prince Hohenlohe 
as an old friend of Prince Albert, and wished him to keep her 
au courant with the social and political conditions in Germany. 
Owing to the suspicion with which all German influence in 
England was watched, these communications were to be sent 
to the Queen through the medium of Princess Feodora. In 
particular, the Prince was to explain the Schleswig-Holstein 
affair, and its significance for Germany, as this was not under- 
stood in England. In accordance with Queen Victoria's wish, 
therefore, the Prince sent in the two following communications 
under date May 4, 1864, and April 15, 1865, a political con- 
fession of faith immediately preceding the outbreak of the 
great movement in which the Prince himself was called to play 
a leading part. 

MUNICH, May 4, 1864. 

Your Most Gracious Majesty did me the honour to charge me 
to report from time to time on the social and political conditions 
in Germany. I venture" herewith to satisfy your Majesty's 

As regards the social conditions, these have at all times in 
Germany been so intimately connected with religion that it is 
as well to examine the religious movement in Germany first. 

It is a remarkable phenomenon that the opposition between 
Orthodoxy and Unorthodoxy is becoming rapidly more 
accentuated. The religious tendency in Western Germany, 
the representatives of which in some countries hold the reins 
of Church government, starts from the idea that the Reforma- 
tion stopped half way, that it adopted too many elements of 


the Roman Church, and thereby barred the door to progress; 
that the time has now come to remodel Christianity in ac- 
cordance with the spirit of modern thought, and the really 
existing faith and religious needs of a community no longer 
orthodox in the old sense of the word. In contrast to this broad 
"Protestant" movement the orthodox Lutheran party closes its 
ranks more firmly than ever. This party disputes the necessity 
for progress or the development of the Protestant creed in 
accordance with the spirit of the times. It stands fast by the 
Bible and Luther, and one section would even be willing to return 
to the bosom of the Roman Church if she only would, or could, 
make them a few concessions notably in the matter of justifica- 
tion by Faith. This being out of the question, they content 
themselves with increased strictness in their own doctrinal 
sphere, modify their Liturgy to resemble that of the Roman 
Church, and adopt as much of the ritual and organisation of 
that Church as is in any degree possible. The institutions 
of the Deaconesses, the Brothers (Bruderschajf) in Berlin and 
Hamburg, the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, &c., are so 
many proofs of these tendencies. 

Beyond these Christian parties stands the great School 
of Materialism and Nihilism represented by the leaders of 
Materialistic Philosophy and Natural Science. The teachers of 
this party are often men of wide knowledge and honest inten- 
tions, but who have come in the course of their studies to deny 
the existence of anything they cannot put under the microscope. 
Were these theories confined to their originators the danger 
would not be so great; but education is so widespread in 
Germany, the people take so lively an interest in all the pro- 
fessors bring forward, Science has become, if I may so express it, 
so democratic, that such theories cannot fail to have a serious in- 
fluence on our social life. Tnie, we have no proletariat comparable 
in extent to that in England, Belgium, or France; the industrial 
population is mostly gathered together in a few districts, and 
the greater portion of Germany, especially Bavaria, has chiefly 
a population of quiet agriculturists. But with the advance 
of industry the industrial population will increase, and the 
deeper it has been imbued with this superficial, false, and sub- 
versive education the more pernicious will be its influence on 
the social and political conditions of the country. 

As regards the political situation, all other considerations 
are swallowed up in the Schleswig-Holstein question. That 
this question should have acquired importance is to be 
explained, first, from the fact that the German is by nature 
a lawyer, and that legal questions always arouse the keenest 
interest so much so that in some parts of Germany litigation 
is the farmer's one amusement in his spare time. Apart from 
this, however, every one in Germany is conscious of the 
profound significance the Schleswig-Holstein question must 


have for our internal policy. Every one knows that with that 
question the German question too will be decided. At the 
beginning it looked as though the Mid-German States, the real 
root of the nation, were to rise to greater political prominence 
by means of the Schleswig-Holstein affair. And therein lies 
the reason why this question has aroused greater excitement 
in the German territories outside Prussia and Austria. 

Examining attentively the movements which have agitated 
Germany during the last fifty years, we find that their true 
origin lies in the discontent of the population of the middle 
and petty States, a population of nearly nineteen million souls, 
at seeing themselves excluded from participation in the affairs 
of Europe in the position of grown men who are not permitted 
to have a voice in their own business. In time this becomes 
insupportable. You may say that the material condition of 
these States is very satisfactory, and that it would be folly to 
bring about a state of affairs which would certainly entail greater 
material sacrifices than the existing one. But this ambition, 
or rather, this craving for due honour and repute, is a sign 
of the vitality of the German people, who put honour and 
repute above mere material comfort. It was to throw off this 
oppression that they fought in 1848 for German unity. This 
movement began in South-West Germany. It proved abortive, 
because neither Austria nor Prussia would bow to an ideal 
overlord ship. 

One party then attempted to bring about the Prussian 
hegemony, but that, too, was frustrated by the refusal of the 
King of Prussia. 

The aspiration remained, however, because it was firmly 
rooted in fact. Then came the Schleswig-Holstein affair, which, 
had they been able to combine, would have afforded the middle 
and petty States an opportunity of winning for themselves 
a recognised political position in Europe. The people thought 
that the hour was come, and importuned their Govern- 
ments. The Governments, disunited and incapable, let the 
happy moment go by. The German Paramount Powers took 
the matter in hand, and so vanished the political hopes which 
the people of South Germany had built upon the Schleswig- 
Holstein affair. Not so, however, their interest in the matter. 
Public opinion turned once more to Prussia, for men cherished 
the hope that, after her military successes, she would not let 
the rights of the Duchies be trampled under foot. 

Since 1848 the German people have made progress in their 
political education; in particular, they have learnt to wait. 
They have learned that in political matters it is inexpedient 
to run your head against a wall. It is, however, inevitable 
in the prevailing state of public sentiment that a solution to 
the Schleswig-Holstein question offensive to the people's sense of 
justice would have the gravest consequences for Germany, and 


more especially for the very existence of the middle and petty 
States. Not that an immediate revolutionary movement would 
break out the mass of the people is too peaceable, too phlegmatic 
for that but contempt would arise for the Governments, who 
would be severely blamed because they did not seize the right 
moment, and a deep, growing irritation which must in the end 
undermine the existence of the dynasties of those States. 

This the statesmen of the respective countries recognise 
to the full, which explains how conservative men like Beust 
and Pfordten are on the side of the Progressive party in this 

If I am not much mistaken they have come to the same 
conclusion in Prussia. For the same movement that would 
crush the middle and petty States must sooner or later have fatal 
consequences for Prussia. For Prussia is essentially a German 
kingdom, and her Government must whether they like it 
or not go with the stream of public opinion, whereas Austria, 
predominantly a Slav nation, takes little account of the 
opinion of her German subjects, nor has she any need to. 
The Schleswig-Holstein affair is, therefore, to the people, a 
question of rights, a question of power to the Governments, 
and a question of existence to the Confederation, that is, to 
the middle and petty States. 

I must apologise to your Majesty for dwelling at such length 
on a subject on which doubtless your Majesty is better informed 
than I. My reports can contain no really recent political news, 
seeing that I am not in touch with the central points of European 
politics. They are only meant to serve as an expression of 
the political opinion of the educated classes in Germany, and as 
such I beg your Majesty's indulgent criticism of it. 

MUNICH, April 15, 1865. 

Your Majesty will graciously pardon me for having delayed 
thus long in following up my communication of last May with 
a second. My sojourn in the Austrian Alps, and consequent 
remoteness from the political arena last summer, made it difficult 
for me to offer an opinion on the state of political affairs in 
Germany. Since my return I have made several attempts 
to repair this neglect, but found myself each time slipping into 
the odious style of our journalists, and could not make up my 
mind to lay it before your Majesty. 

I must, however, pluck up courage now though at the 
risk of creating an unfavourable impression to send your 
Majesty another instalment of my political observations. They 
are, after all, chiefly the outcome of what I have read in the 
newspapers and reviews, and, therefore, I must beg your Majesty's 
kind indulgence for them. 

The question which was agitating the whole of Germany 
last spring has now been relegated to the background. Schleswig- 


Holstein is still much written about and discussed, but the 
interest of the general public has waned. This is a proof of 
the justice of my former assertion that the ardent interest in 
the fate of the Duchies last year was less for the Schleswig- 
Holstein than the German question, which promised to find 
a solution in this conflict. Now that the affair has simply 
become a question of power and influence between Prussia 
and Austria, the agitation of the masses has subsided, or turned 
in another direction. Certainly not a little of this pacification 
is owing to the general satisfaction that the Duchies have ceased 
to belong to Denmark, but nevertheless, a feeling of bitterness 
and disappointment is slowly spreading through the South 
German States at the passive role to which these States are 
condemned in any question involving German interests. 

This feeling is shared by Government and people alike; 
it seems necessary, therefore, that the Governments should 
look about for some means of extricating themselves from so 
trying a situation. Bavarian statesmen see salvation in the 
"Triad," i.e., a closer union between the middle States, and 
their organisation into a Federal State under the overlordship 
of Bavaria, a State which, with the addition of Austria and 
Prussia, would form the great German Confederation. 

There are, however, many insurmountable obstacles to the 
realisation of this idea. First, the disinclination of the separate 
rulers to renounce any part of their sovereign rights in favour 
of the dynasty which would stand at the head of the more 
restricted Confederation. I hardly think that either the King 
of Saxony or the King of Wiirtemberg would care to hand 
over any of their rights to our youthful Monarch. Nor would 
the King of Hanover feel the slightest inclination that way. 

Another stumbling-block is the opposition of the democratic 
party to the Triad idea. The South and Mid-German Democracy 
belongs in part to the National Union, whose aim is the organisa- 
tion of a Federal State under the overlordship of Prussia. 
They look upon Herr von Bismarck's Government as a 
passing evil, after whose removal the project will certainly be 
carried out. The rest of the Democrats are, consciously or 
unconsciously, Republicans, and look forward to the time when 
a Democratic storm shall empty the thrones of the Continent 
and bring back to Germany the glorious days of a Constituent 
Assembly. Owing to the opposition of this section of public 
opinion which knows how to make itself decisively felt, a reform 
of the Federal Constitution, on the lines I have indicated, is 
very difficult. 

Another obstacle to the realisation of Bavaria's idea is the 
objection of Austria and Prussia to the Triad. In Austria they 
want to keep the Confederation as it is, and are opposed to the 
formation of a third group of States, because in it Protestant and 
Catholic States would be associated, an idea most distasteful to 


the Ultramontane party. It is possible that Vienna looks for- 
ward to the complete break up of the Confederation in order to 
round off the Austrian dominions on the German frontier with 
some of the remnants. But I am not sufficiently initiated into 
the secrets of Vienna Court or Government circles to be justified 
in offering an opinion. 

Prussia sees in the Triad not only a menace to the prospect 
of a Prussian hegemony, but also a hindrance to her territorial 
expansion in the north of Germany. So from this side too Bavaria 
will meet with determined opposition. 

I fear, therefore, that the Middle States are bound to 
remain as they are till in some great European conflict they 
are swallowed up in the resulting territorial changes. 

To me this state of things seems grievous, not only for the 
Principalities thus menaced, but in the interests of the German 
paramount Powers themselves. Austria needs no additional 
territory. A well-ordered internal Government and settled finances 
are always more important to her and suffice to establish her 
dominion on a permanent basis, especially if in addition she has 
the support of her natural allies. Prussia could only carry out 
her federal scheme under a quite exceptionally favourable 
juncture of the European situation, and then only if Austria 
were wiped off the map. In 1848 the political situation on the 
Continent was favourable to the formation of the Federal State, 
but Prussia missed her opportunity. Such an opportunity is 
not likely to recur in a hurry. In spite of Italy, in spite of bad 
finances, and in spite of the concordat, Austria will not dis- 
appear from the map of Europe. The conditions therefore are 
not yet within sight which are essential to the formation of a 
Prusso- German Federal State. Meanwhile, however, the present 
state of affairs in the German Confederation may well lead to 
such a disastrous commotion as will shake even Vienna and 

For this reason I think it would be in the best interests of both 
Austria and Prussia if they would not only withdraw their opposi- 
tion to the formation of a third group of States but use their 
influence towards its formal recognition. The antipathy of the 
several German rulers would then retreat into the background 
and the support or opposition of the Democratic party lose its 
importance. I believe that by thus removing the chief cause 
of disquiet and complaint the paramount German Powers could 
secure peace to Germany and the rest of Europe for long years to 

I see no other solution of the problem. Nothing will be 
achieved so long as they fail to pay due attention to certain 
undeniable things. Chief among these is the individual char- 
acter of the various German races and the tenacity with which 
each clings to its peculiar characteristics. Social and political 
uniformity is not so difficult in France or Italy, where the national 


character shows greater uniformity and fewer idiosyncrasies in 
its component parts. But in Germany the races are as distinct 
to-day as they were in the time of Charlemagne; the Wurtem- 
berger is as much an Alemann or a Suabian, the Bavarian as 
unmistakably a Bojar as ever; you recognise the vivacious 
Frank in Central Germany, the reserved and hard-working Saxon 
in the population of Westphalia and Hanover. Thus, what is 
generally known as particularism has its root deep in the national 
character and is not to be torn up and thrown aside by theories. 

Where, as in Prussia and Austria, the influence of the Slav 
element has asserted itself, and even, in a way, predominates, 
legislative union, and uniformity has been easily attained. In the 
South and West of Germany, the parts untouched by the Slav 
element, the separation has continued as the unavoidable result 
of race characteristics. It will be hard enough to induce these 
Principalities to enter into anything approaching a practical 
federation, but certainly easier than trying to fuse them into one 
State like Prussia or Austria. In political matters it is best to set 
one's mind only on what is possible, painful as it may be to 
renounce one's cherished theories. 

I sum up, in conclusion, the subjects that are at present 
occupying the attention of all classes in Germany. The prin- 
cipal points are as follows : 

(1) The Papal Encyclical,* which, on the whole, has not 
created a good impression among the German Catholics. 

(2) The question as to which will gain the victory in the 
struggle between Government and people in Prussia. 

(3) The solution of the Schleswig-Holstein question so 
closely connected with the foregoing whether the Duchies will 
come under Duke Friedrich's independent rule or become a 
province of Prussia. 

(4) The American Civil War which profoundly affects the 
material interests of South Germany. It is not only our cotton- 
spinners that are suffering. It is a question of life and death 
with them. The capitalists who have put their money in 
American stock are anxiously watching the progress of the war, 
and long for the conclusion of peace and the triumph of the 
Northern States. Besides, the sympathies of the Democratic 
population of South Germany are naturally with the North 
American States. 

Finally, as regards Bavaria, I must not omit- to observe that 
we have the most amiable and engaging Sovereign I have ever 
beheld. His is a noble and poetic nature, and his manner is so 
particularly attractive because one feels that his courtesy is 
the natural expression of a truly kind heart. He has plenty of 
brains and character to boot. I trust that the tasks he has 
before him may not be beyond his strength. 

*The Encyclical Quanta Cura of December 8, 1864, with the 


The foregoing notes by the Prince on his journeys and his 
political impressions give no idea of the busy and happy family life 
at Schillingsfurst which was unfolding itself in the quiet years 
between 1853 and 1866. On November 30, 1847, the first daughter, 
Elizabeth, was born to the princely pair, and on July 6, 1851, the 
Princess Stephanie. On June 5, 1853, came the son and heir, the 
present head of the family Prince Philipp Ernst. A son, Albert, 
born October 14, 1857, fell a victim to diphtheria in the spring 
of 1866. Finally, on August 6, 1862, the twin Princes, Moritz 
and Alexander, were born. 

In 1858 the Prince acquired the house in the Brienner Strasse 
in Munich, which he occupied with his family during the par- 
liamentary sessions. In 1865 he bought a farmhouse at Alt- 
Aussee in Styria, which he remodelled as a villa. Here the family 
invariably spent part of the summer. The parents were assisted 
in the education of the children by Princess Elise, the youngest 
sister of Prince Hohenlohe, who made her home with her brother 
till her marriage in 1868 with the Prince of Salm-Horstmar. From 
her letters which the editor has been kindly permitted to see, 
a few short extracts are reproduced in this book which illustrate 
the life and spirit of the household. The Princess Amalie, the 
Prince's favourite sister, married in 1857 the Court painter, 
Richard Lauchert, against the will of the family. The resulting 
estrangement lasted but a few years. Princess Salm writes 
on the subject: "Later on my sister was reconciled to all my 
brothers and passed many a happy hour again with my brother 
Chlodwig. My brothers came to see that the man for whom 
she had given up all was entirely worthy of her. He was not 
only a talented artist but an admirable and wholly trustworthy 
character. Unfortunately he died in 1868, when they had 
only been married eleven and a half years." 

On the relations of the Prince to his brothers and sisters the 
Princess writes: "We all turned to him when in the slightest 
doubt or difficulty. His keen judgment and reassuring calm, and 
the brotherly love which was evident in all his counsels, gave them 
great weight. Our mother's tender goodness came out again in 
Amalie and Chlodwig. He had drawn up documents about each 
of us, so that he could take up the thread of our affairs at -any 
moment. At Schillingsfurst one used to go to his little study 
and sit down in a small arm-chair beside him at the writing-table, 
and he would look up from his work and instantly give his whole 
attention to whatever you had to say. Words cannot describe 
it; I can still feel his penetrating gaze." 

Again, in 1852, the Princess writes: "I can never cease to 
admire Chlodwig, and how calm, unselfish, and patient he is in 
all his actions. Let them say what they will about masculine 
energy, firmness, and proper self-assertion that is all very 
well in its way; but a delicate noble mind is an infinitely 
higher thing. Better to have that alone, without those 


qualities, than the other way round. To-day he was speaking 
again of sacred things. I cannot describe the extraordinary 
impression it makes on me, how it moves me to hear him 
pronounce the name of Christ; it seems to come from the 
depths of his heart." 

The Princess thus describes the position of Schillingsfiirst : 
"It was charming in the summer with the wide views, the solemn 
silence up on the heights, the sunshine streaming through the 
spacious rooms and the glorious sunsets. We much appreciated 
the near neighbourhood of Langenburg, where Prince Ernst 
(my mother's brother, and father of the present Statthalter), a 
man of the old courtly school, was then living with his 
beautiful and cultivated wife. For other neighbours of our 
standing there were none, so that Schillingsfiirst might really be 
called a lonely spot. For my dear sister-in-law, who was not 
accustomed to that kind of life, it was in some respects hard, 
especially as the dryness of the air, the absence of a river, and 
the keen wind which nearly always blew at Schillingsfurst, seemed 
not to agree with her. This necessitated frequent changes to 
Schwalbach and Schlangenbad or to the sea. They also went 
frequently to Rauden, near Ratibor, to England, and, in later 
years, also to Vienna. This constant moving about was not 
really to my brother's taste, but it was his way to make the best 
of everything. He made copious and interesting notes of all he 
saw, had many instructive conversations with people he met, 
and ever put his own desires in the background. 

"Afterwards, in the winter evenings at Schillingsfurst, my 
brother would illustrate his travels by drawings in a great scrap- 
book. The youngest child would be seated on his knee, the others 
standing round looking on with awe and delight as they watched 
their own portraits in every possible situation, and the portraits of 
their parents, relations, and servants growing under their father's 
hand. In this way many books were filled containing a whole 
family history. 

"My brother was very fond of sport and was an excellent 
shot, but all with due moderation. Once in his later years in the 
Chancellor's Palace he said to me : ' I cannot bear to look at antlers 
now; sport has become a perfect idolatry.' " 

The following observations from the pen of the Prince's sister- 
in-law, Princess Konstantine of Hohenlohe, touching the social 
rather than the domestic life of the Prince, may serve to amplify 
what we have learned from Princess Elise : 

"The character of my brother-in-law, Chlodwig," she writes, 
"always seemed to me to bridge the gulf between two periods. 
His mind, though deep rooted in the feudal traditions of his caste, 
had yet a lively and intuitive sympathy for all the liberal views 
which have only come to the fore in our modern days. To his 
benignant philosophy it was given to smooth rough edges, to 


mediate between conflicting forces. Whether the conflicting 
elements in his own breast did not bring him frequent suffering 
none can say; he veiled it in impenetrable silence. His imper- 
turbable calm seemed to me simply the peace after a hard-won 
victory over self. 

"He devoted himself with fatherly care to his youngest brother, 
Konstantine, who was hardly more than a boy at the death of 
their beloved mother. He and his wife arranged our marriage 
and Marie was delighted to have a cousin in the intimate family 
circle. She always treated me with special kindness, and they 
both came every year to visit us newly married young people. 
The social life of Vienna, at that time so exclusive, courtly, and 
brilliant, had an irresistible attraction for my sister-in-law. It 
did not appeal so much to her husband, but, as he was always 
loath to spoil any one's pleasure, he took part with cheerful resig- 
nation in all the pomp and the festivities where the beauty and 
the splendid jewels of his adored Princess created a great sensa- 
tion. He would often accompany me to a lecture which interested 
me while our respective frivolous better halves went off to an 
Offenbach operette. A change came over these pleasant and 
innocent associations in the years between 1866 and 1870 for 
Chlodwig's well-known political views and his proclamation against 
the Vatican Council gave great offence in Vienna. This very much 
upset my husband, who highly disapproved of his brother's action 
in the matter. Yet the Chlodwigs came to see us as before. They 
had no thought of missing their innocent share in the accustomed 
festivities and he pretended not to notice the coolness of his re- 
ception or, at most, merely smiled if some one rudely failed to 
return his greeting. His dignified and reserved attitude made any 
direct attack impossible, so that it never came to painful scenes. 
Our Emperor was always well inclined towards him, a feeling 
which in later years, when he was Governor of Alsace and Impe- 
rial Chancellor, increased to warm attachment. The Emperor 
expressed his regret at being unable to invest the three Hohenlohe 
brothers simultaneously with the Golden Fleece. Besides my 
husband, the eldest brother, Ratibor, had received the Fleece for 
his constant and active services to the interests of Austria at Berlin. 
Immediately on the death of the Duke of Ratibor, Chlodwig was 
honoured by receiving the Golden Fleece, the most exclusive of 

"We had many a delightful time together in the Austrian 
Alps where my husband had rented one of the finest chamois 
shootings in the country. My sister-in-law threw herself 
passionately into this noble sport. Her husband fulfilled his 
duties as a hunter most correctly, but with far less enthusiasm. He 
took Latin classics with him when out stalking, filling my boys, who 
were still at the Gymnasium in those days, with amazement. I 
remember being out with him once in his last years. We had a long 
wait, and to pass the time he recited from memory and without 


one stumble whole poems of great beauty. In our fine enthusiasm 
of course he missed the chamois which were being driven to him. 
At the last moment, as we were on the point of going home, 
his whole attention was taken up by a field-mouse which, terrified 
by all the racket and shooting, had sought refuge and protection 
with him. This delayed us considerably, especially as even then 
he walked very slowly, and my husband, alarmed for our safety, 
had sent some of the huntsmen back to look for us. The inextin- 
guishable laughter of the company when we explained that we 
had been delayed by a mouse while out chamois driving made 
not the smallest impression on Chlodwig's imperturbable calm." 

THE YEAR 1866 

Memorandum by the PRINCE. 

MUNICH, March 21, 1866. 

As to the approaching or contemplated demonstration,* it is 
in the highest degree necessary to be clear as to ends and means, 
to ask oneself whether the object is attainable and whether the 
means at hand promise a successful result. 

The end must be: by organising a union to urge the 
Government to take up a more decisive attitude, to intervene 
actively in the present crisis, and at the same time secure for 
itself the alliance of the nation, or at least of the South- Western 
portion of it, by publishing the scheme for convening a German 

The active intervention of the Government must be assisted 
so as to bring about the union of the secondary States. 

Here it may be asked: Is this portion of the programme yet 
within reach? With regard to the dynasties and the Govern- 
ments representing them, we can only count on the assent of 
Saxony; Wiirtemberg is doubtful, Baden hostile, the small 
duchies and all North Germany on Prussia's side. All these 
States would only follow the lead of Bavaria if they were forced 
into it by a popular agitation. 

Even in its own country the idea of a German Parliament 
would at present be regarded with distrust. The situation is at 
present this, that a simple, artless suggestion to convene a German 
Parliament would be received with jeers. It must consequently 
be chiefly and emphatically the Parliament of the middle States, 
the so-called Triad Parliament. 

* Nothing more precise about the projected "demonstration" can be 
ascertained. The reason is given in the following letter of Prince 
Karl of Bavaria. 


But even here, is acquiescence to be counted on ? The Ultra- 
montane party will have nothing to do with it, the Progressive 
party, in so far as they are National Unionists, do not swerve 
from the Prussian headship, and is content to wait. The 
Democratic-Progressive or people's party is with us so weak 
that it may be disregarded. There thus remains only the Liberal 
Greater Germany group. This is at the present moment without 
influence; at least its influence is too trifling for it to carry the 
Bavarian people along with it by drawing up a programme. 

In Wiirtemberg the parties are grouped in a similar manner. 
Baden is partly Ultramontane, partly National Unionist. The 
North is altogether for the National Union. Thus, outside Bavaria, 
no enthusiasm for the Triad Parliament is to be awakened. 

The active interference of the Government must further 
consist in quitting its neutral position and entering upon a 
definite alliance with Austria. 

This object will also be reached without our co-operation. 
Either Austria approaches the Confederation, transfers the 
occupation of Holstein to the troops or commissioners of the 
Confederation, which Prussia will not suffer, and then there 
would be war with Prussia and the alliance with Austria follows 
of itself: 

Or Austria goes off on her own path alone without reference 
to the Confederation, which is improbable. Then comes the 
immediate question, Yes or No? brooking not a moment's 
delay, which the two paramount German Powers will put to the 
secondary States. Bavaria's only course, whether she likes it 
or not, will then be to join Austria. 

The setting up of the parliamentary idea for the German 
secondary States might lead to unexpected results, which, in 
Bavaria's interests, are little to be desired. Who is to guarantee 
that if the parliamentary idea were to be suddenly mentioned 
and gained support, Prussia would not thereupon proceed to 
propose, directly and officially, reform of the German Confedera- 
tion, of which she has already given semi-official intimation? 
Then we should all at once be relegated to the Union of 1849. 

Should I, however, be deceived on all these points, should 
it indeed be judicious and useful to proceed to the formation of 
a union in the proposed manner, yet there is an important point 
to take into consideration. Political demonstrations should not 
emanate from novi homines, nor from those who do not possess, or 
who have ceased to possess the entire confidence of the people. 
At any rate, those who belong to these two categories should 
not attempt a demonstration single-handed. Demonstrations 
can only prove successful when led by men whom the people 
(whether rightly or wrongly) look upon as the men worthy of 
their trust. If these be the leaders, we can join ourselves to 
them; if, however, we act alone, we shall be scoffed at as 
prying aristocrats, and render ourselves impossible for ever. I 


reckon amongst the trustworthy men who might originate the 
demonstration, amongst others the following persons: Potzl, 
Schlor, Hegnenberg, Lerchenfeld, Stenglein, and, above all, 
Marquard Earth. 

The demonstration will be useless from the beginning if it 
does not have the effect of kindling enthusiasm. These volunteer 
political acts are only justifiable when they are the manifestation 
of the inspired thought of all hearts, when, the moment they 
take place, every one must exclaim: "That is the very thing !" 
Only let there be no blow struck at empty air, especially when 
the air is storm-laden. 

Therefore, I will conclude in the words of the First Epistle to 
the Corinthians, chap. ix. v. 26: "I therefore so run, not as un- 
certainly; so fight I, not as one that beateth the air." 

PRINCE KARL of Bavaria to the PRINCE. 

MUNICH, March 23, 1866. 

YOUR HIGHNESS, I send your remarks of the 2ist inst., 
which I intended to bring back to-day myself, with best thanks. 

Bavaria's programme, which proposes to support Austria 
if she returns to the point of view of the German Confederation, 
will be approved by all parties. An association formed to act in 
this sense is superfluous. An assembly which demands the 
immediate convocation of a Parliament for Germany collectively, 
or for the secondary States, is impracticable and therefore 
absurd. I had no such thought. 

The Parliament should temporarily make its appearance only 
under the condition of meeting the demand for reforms in the 
German Confederation. Bavaria would have to establish a 
connection between these and her adhesion to Austria. 

It seems to me that a more favourable opportunity than 
the present for arriving, without a revolution, at a reform of the 
German Confederation will not soon return, and I should even 
to-day (at all events in the event of increasing complications) 
consider as practicable the convocation of the Landtag to take 
active measures in this direction and to aim at the unification 
of all Liberals of the Greater Germany group. It is possible, 
however, that you may be right, and that for this the time has 
not yet come. 

Besides, I suspect Pfordten of carrying on at the same time 
in deep secrecy a policy of a Rhine Confederation. How 

These are the observations to which I intended to call the 
attention of your Highness. In the meantime I will not forget 
the counsel of prudence, for which I reiterate my most sincere 
thanks, and remain, 

Your Highness's devoted servant, 




MUNICH, April n, 1866. 

Dined to-day with the King. In the Winter Garden after 
dinner the King began discussing politics with me, and expressed 
his apprehension regarding Prussia's proposal to set up a Parlia- 
ment. I said the Parliamentary scheme would always turn up from 
time to time; now was the moment of all others for Bavaria to 
come forward. The Democratic party would not follow Bismarck 
unconditionally, as they would a Liberal Prussian Ministry. 
Prussia's only aim just now was supremacy in North Germany. 
Here the King broke in: "Just now, yes, but presently she will 
want more." I questioned this, and added that I believed Bavaria 
could come to terms now with Prussia, and that Prussia would 
offer no objection if we tried to make a better position for our- 
selves in South Germany. He then spoke of Bismarck's influence 
over the King, which he declared to be unlimited. The Queen 
and the Crown Prince were against Bismarck. Leaving me, 
the King had a talk with Maurer,f who corroborated my opinions 
and told me afterwards he had particularly urged the King not to 
be afraid and to seize this favourable opportunity. 

MUNICH, May 31, 1866. 

Arrived last night. The debate on the address took place 
yesterday morning. Arco-Valley, whom I met at the station, told 
me that Zu Rhein moved, and in a long speech urged, the adop- 
tion, in the address, of a more rigorous tone against Prussia, 
whereas Wilhelm Lowenstein advocated a moderation in her 
favour. However, the Chamber accepted Harless's address as 
sufficiently firm and dignified. I suspect that Stauffenberg 
fixed the meeting immediately before my arrival, if not purposely, 
at least not without inward satisfaction. He wanted to deprive 
me of the opportunity of making a political confession of faith. 
On the other hand it may only have been to enable him to get 
away to-day on another week's holiday. 

Feeling here is against Prussia; even the sympathy which 
prevailed in the Army has vanished, I am told. I walked up and 
down the Dultplatz yesterday for a long time with Bodenstedt, 
who is keen on the general arming of the people outside the 
Standing Army of course. This was the special rallying-cry of the 
democracy, and if the people did not mind the attendant expense 
and discomfort, why not let them do it and be happy. Revolution 
would certainly not come of it. 

The King's journey to Switzerland J has done him much 

*Here begins the regular continuous record which the Prince calls 
his diary. 

t State Councillor von Maurer (1790-1872), a member of the Upper 

J The purpose of the journey to Switzerland, where the King visited 
the scene of Schiller's Wilhelm Tell, was misconstrued by the public, who 
believed that the King went there in order to meet Richard Wagner. 

VOL. i L 


harm with Munich people. They are said to have shouted abuse 
at him in the open street, and when he drove to church on the 
opening day of the Diet there was no hurrahing, they scarcely 
even saluted him. This, they say, is his reason for transferring 
the Chief of Police, Pfeufer,* to Augsburg (as if the police 
could cause the bad feeling !) and nominating Fritz Luxburg f 
Chief of Police, in his place. The latter is wretched about it 
and cannot make up his mind to accept. 

Pfordten declares constantly that he is sick of the whole 
business, but stays on nevertheless and will probably go to the 
conferences as Plenipotentiary to the Confederation. I do not 
see how this will work with the Landtag, as there will then be no 
Minister to bring forward the Government business. 

They tell me the King has refused to open the session personally, 
so old King Ludwig and Prince Karl drove over to Berg and 
lessoned him. The closing sentence of the address of the Council 
is also a lesson : 

"When the devotion of a Monarch to the duties of govern- 
ment doubly heavy at the present time is supported by the 
confidence of his people, and the confidence of the people in its 
turn increased and strengthened by that devotion, both ruler and 
people may look without dismay even into a dark future. United 
by this bond of mutual trust, we may hope, with your Majesty, 
that should we be called upon, in spite of all our efforts for peace, 
to defend the right by force of arms, the valour of our troops and 
the fervent patriotism of the people will, with God's help, gain 
the victory." 

MUNICH, June i, 1866. 

Prince Reuss J fears that the anti-Prussian demonstrations 
in the Bavarian Chamber will finally result in setting the Prussian 
people against the South German States and so hasten the war. 
He declares that Prussia is being more and more driven to take 
the defensive, and that Austria, by an artificial working up of the 
war enthusiasm, is being forced into war. The scheme of reform 
of the Confederation which he imparted to me touches but few 
points, ignores the question of a central authority, and will satisfy 
no one. I told him so to-day, and pointed out to him that by 
calling in a Parliament without at the same time organising a 
central authority Bismarck was simply encouraging the revolution. 
That is, perhaps, his intention. In my opinion the only practical 
plan would be a Council of Ministers associated with a certain 
number of picked men from the Chambers, who should then 
deliberate together and decide upon a draft of a Federal Con- 
stitution and draw up an electoral law at the same time. This 
is the only practical way of going about it. 

* Afterwards Minister of the Interior. 

t Count Luxburg, Prefect of Strassburg in 1871, and afterwards 
President of the Government in Wurzburg. 
Prussian Minister in Munich. 


MUNICH, June 3, 1866. 

There was another brush with the police last night in the 
Sterngarten. The Landwehr fired on the brawlers and one 
man was killed and two wounded. I heard the shots, but 
thought it was fireworks in one of the beer-gardens. There can 
be no doubt that these disorderly scenes are got up by paid agents. 
This afternoon it began again at the Lowenbrau. Who is at the 
bottom of it all is not quite clear. The Liberals say it is the 
Ultramontanes who are trying to get up a revolution and drive 
the young King out; others say it is done by Bismarck's agents 
so that Bavaria may be obliged to withdraw some of her troops 
from the frontier to quell the disturbances. 

The conferences seem to be meeting with difficulties. Degen- 
feld,* whom I met to-day, says that Austria was making con- 
ditions that must inevitably wreck the whole conference. It is 
evident that the more one hears of there being little or no desire 
for war in Prussia, the more is Austria set upon having it. I 
no longer doubt that there will be war. Napoleon will then join 
with Italy and Prussia, and if the South- Western States make 
too much fuss they will be occupied by France and Prussia 
together. We are not sufficiently organised to be able to offer 
much resistance. 

Pfeufer's dismissal was the outcome of a very outspoken 
report he sent to the King on the notoriously bad feeling in the 
capital. Without further explanation he was deprived of his 
office and made Director of Administration at Augsburg. Instead 
of entering a protest against this Sultanic encroachment on the 
part of the Cabinet, the Minister of the Interior, like the thorough 
old bureaucratic sleepy-head he is, let it pass without a word. 
So long as the King is encouraged in his caprices by the sycophancy 
of the Court and the Government officials, so long will he continue 
to regard himself as a demi-god who can do what he pleases and 
for whose pleasure the rest of the world at any rate Bavaria - 
was created. 

June 4. 

Somebody told me yesterday that Blomef was the head of 
the war party in Austria, and was all the more anxious to bring 
it on because he considered this the most favourable moment 
for re-establishing the temporal power of the Pope on its old 
scale. If the Jesuits, who have even Bismarck under their 
thumb, consider war necessary to their interests, no power on 
earth can save us from it. Since I heard that I have not the 
slightest doubt that in a fortnight's time it will have broken out. 

MUNICH, June 5. 

Austria refuses to send a representative to the Congress or the 
conferences. From this everybody concludes that the war will 
* Minister for Wurtemberg. t Th e Austrian Minister in Munich. 


break out at once, particularly if it is true that Prussia declared 
in Vienna she would regard the calling together of the Estates in 
Holstein as a casus belli. Consequently there is general conster- 
nation in Munich. On the other hand, Konneritz * says Bismarck 
is in a horrible position. He sees now that he has gone too far, that 
his unpopularity is increasing, the military organisation inadequate, 
and the Landwehr wanting in the proper warlike spirit. The 
Household troops could not be spared from Berlin, as the feeling 
there was too uncertain, and as a result of all this there were 
rumours of the King's abdication. Whether this is only a highly 
coloured Saxon version I cannot say. 

As regards the Schleswig-Holstein affair, they say a scheme 
is being discussed according to which Duke Friedrich is to re- 
nounce the ducal crown in favour of his son, and a Regency to be 
appointed. Prussia would then be more likely to give way. 

If a change of throne and government were really to occur 
in Prussia, the party of the National Union and their Prussian 
views would grow stronger in Bavaria and the position of the 
Bavarian Government much more difficult. 

MUNICH, June 7, 1866. 

The longer I stay here, the clearer does the situation in Bavaria 
become to me. Things must unfold themselves slowly before 
me if I am to gain a right view, and that entails many wearisome 
visits and evenings at the Club. 

Yesterday Berchtoldf was with me for -a long time and told 
me of the conversations between the Deputies at the committee 
on the address. Pfordten stated his policy frankly and 
received the approval of all parties. They all said they had 
nothing whatever against him, but much against his incompetent 
colleagues. Bavaria stands firmly by the Confederation, and in 
this Pfordten is supported by all parties. The Left votes grudg- 
ingly with them, but can bring forward no other programme. The 
Triad is not excluded; the way is being prepared for that too. 
Berchtold said there was a rumour that I had come to an under- 
standing with the Advanced Liberals, Barth and Volk, that they 
were going to draw the King over to their side, have Wagner re- 
called and put me up for the Premiership. I am quite innocent 
of any claims to this honour, for with the exception of Herr 
Umbscheiden J whom I often meet in the street as he lives near 
me, I have never even spoken to a member of the Left. As 
Pfordten is now more firmly established than ever there can be 
no question of any such combination, which would be very 
distasteful to me. 

* Saxon Ambassador in Munich. 

t A parliamentarian of advanced views. 

j A judicial officer, formerly Member of the Frankfurt Parliament. 


June 9. 

To-day brought the debate on the address in the Chamber of 
Deputies to a close after lasting two days. Pfordten's Ministry 
met with little opposition on the whole. As far as I could hear 
no voice was raised in favour of direct alliance with Austria. The 
instability and vagueness of the whole situation made the Deputies 
very guarded in their speech. Altogether there was much talk 
with very little in it, as nobody would show his hand. 

The chairman, Professor Edel of Wiirzburg, said pretty much 
what one reads in the Allgemeine Zeitung. He was appallingly 
dull. A Deputy of the Palatinate said they ought to side neither 
with Austria nor with Prussia, nor yet remain neutral, but should 
place the Army at the disposal of the German Parliament; to 
which Pfordten replied, would he be good enough to tell them 
first where the German Parliament might be. 

Pfordten spoke with his customary lucidity, and entirely from 
the standpoint of the rights of the Confederation. That will 
not do him much good if the Confederation is broken up by the 
war between the two paramount Powers. There seems at present 
to be a decided feeling in favour of a closer union between smaller 
States, the formation of the so-called Triad. Whether this plan 
could ever be actually carried through still seems to me very 

The debates on the question of supply will begin at the end of 
the week in the Lower House, and then come on to us in the 
week of June 17 to 28. I shall probably have an opportunity 
then of speaking against the State paper currency. 

War now seems inevitable. I have every reason to suppose 
that Napoleon has an understanding with Prussia and that events 
will take the course I have already pointed out. 

MUNICH, June 16, 1866. 

One startling piece of news comes on the heels of another in 
these days. First Prussia's secession from the Confederation 
because of the mobilisation of the Federal forces, and now the 
news of the entry of the Prussians into Saxony, of King Johann's 
departure for Prague, and the retreat of the Saxon troops across 
the Bohemian frontier. Prussia has sent an ultimatum to Hanover 
and also to the Electorate of Hesse to disarm or she will send 
an army of occupation. And so the scheme for the partition of 
Germany is well-nigh complete. We, for our part, allow our- 
selves to be hustled, now by Prussia, now by Austria, and have 
no definite plans of any kind. 

The Bavarian Army is in a most unsatisfactory state. Prince 
Karl is too old to be Commander-in-Chief. The officers have not 
sufficient confidence in their own powers. I hardly think we 
shall win many laurels for all the hearty good will of the men 
and the Bavarian's inborn love of a fight. 

On Monday the debate on the thirty-one millions which 


are needed for military purposes will take place in the Chamber 
of Deputies. I am curious to hear the speeches on paper money. 
Brater and Kolb are of my opinion, and against. 

The King sees no one now. He is staying with Taxis * and 
the groom Volk on the Roseninsel, and lets off fireworks. Even 
the Members of the Upper House, who were to deliver the ad- 
dress to him, were not received a case unprecedented in the 
constitutional life of Bavaria. Not to receive addresses of loy- 
alty, and from the faithful Senate, that is a bitter pill for the 
august Chamber! The Munich people themselves are again 
making quite justifiable comments. Other people do not trouble 
their heads about the King's childish tricks, since he lets the 
Ministers and the Chambers govern without interfering. His 
behaviour is, however, imprudent, since it tends to make him 
unpopular. At one o'clock I was with Reuss, who is expecting his 
recall. Louis f will take his place. He must, in fact, unless 
he is anxious to ruin his position in Prussia altogether. 

The public at large are watching the whole crisis with a kind 
indifference, an objective interest. That present conditions 
cannot continue, every one can see. Why go to war to main- 
tain them? Konneritz thinks that in spite of all Bavaria 
will take no active part. To-night, so Stauffenberg tells me, an 
uproar among the Jews is announced. I don't believe it though. 

MUNICH, June 19, 1866. 

On account of the proposal to mobilise the Army Corps 
of the Confederation, Prussia has announced her withdrawal, 
and has attacked Saxony, Hanover, and Hesse. The Bavarian 
Government, which up to now has taken up an indecisive 
attitude of ostensible impartiality, and flattered itself it could 
keep it up, has suddenly, to its astonishment, been waked out 
of its dream and compelled to range itself on the Austrian side. 
The Prussian Minister has been informed that diplomatic rela- 
tions are broken off, and Reuss left with Louis at six o'clock 
this evening. I bade him farewell at the station; the French, 
the Russian, and the Italian Legations were there, besides 
Quadt, Deroy, and I. 

Reuss left with a heavy heart, as undoubtedly he will not re- 
turn here. Alvensleben is staying some time longer, to put every- 
thing straight. 

The most various rumours are afloat. One day they say 
that the Prussians are at Hof, and the other day the Austrians 
had taken Gorlitz by storm, an Archduke killed, &c. Then 
some one declares that he has read a telegram from some one 
in the neighbourhood of Frankfurt, who has heard heavy firing 
in that neighbourhood. 

* Orderly Officer Prince Paul Taxis. 

f Prince Ludwig zu Sayn -Wittgenstein, brother of the Princess, then 
in the Prussian Legation at Munich. 


Our Army is not in particularly good condition, and the Aus- 
trians do well to send further reinforcements to Southern Germany. 
Austrians are expected there shortly. 

I am afraid that now the war will be very long and very san- 
guinary. People will only grow accustomed to war by degrees, 
but the habit of it will come, and when once Germans get to logger- 
heads, they can't stop. 

The Rhine Palatinate has sent a deputation here to complain 
that they are being delivered over to the mercy of the French. 
The Emperor Napoleon is already setting inquiries about as 
to whether the population would care to become French. The 
characterless people there, who have never clung to any Sovereign, 
any more than to Germany, will readily allow themselves to be 
made French. This makes the patriots furious, and they are send- 
ing deputations to implore protection. But where are we to get an 
army from to keep the French troops off ? Our troops have enough 
to do to keep off the Prussians ; there are none left for the Palat- 

To-day there was a long sitting of the Upper House, before 
which I had brought a motion on the disadvantages of paper 
money. The House and the Ministry, however, were not agreed 
on the point, so I withdrew it, my intention being only to bring 
the question under discussion. 

I met Pfordten at the Club to-night. He was lamenting over 
the war, which will result in the dismemberment of Germany; 
he said over and over again: "This is the end of Germany." 
I almost believe it myself now. Prussia will become a great 
and compact State in North Germany; we, in the South, will 
go on vegetating under French or Austrian protection, until 
our hour strikes, and half of us falls to France, and the other 
half to Austria. 

Baron Guttenberg came late into the Club, and related that 
the Prussians have shown themselves in the neighbourhood of 
Hof. Taxis* thereupon is said to have rapidly collected his 
troops against them, whereupon they withdrew across the 
frontier again without fighting. This is said to be authentic. 
Leidenhayn says they are arguing in his club about the war. 
"What quarrel have we with the Prussians, then, that we should 
go to war for Augustenburg?" the habitues there say. "If 
Max were alive now," he added, "things would not have come to 

MUNICH, June 21, 1866. 

To-day we had our last sitting on a law touching the exten- 
sion of the Bank's right to issue notes. At the end of the 
sitting Pfordten gave a valedictory address, in which he em- 
phasised that the Bavarian Government had done their best 
to avoid a war, &c. At one o'clock I had a meal with a 

* General Prince Taxis was father-in-law to Freiherr von Guttenberg. 


number of Senators and Gustav Castell * at the Bayrischer Hof. 
Gustav Castell had been at Bamberg to make arrangements 
for the reception of the General Staff in the palace there, 
and got back here again yesterday evening. Prince Karl 
left here at noon yesterday for Bamberg with the whole of his 
Headquarters Staff. Von der Tann is Quarter-master General. 
A huge number of officers, &c., travelled in the suite; likewise 
an Austrian General, Huyn. Prince Luitpold is going with the 
General Staff too. The King goes there to-morrow, so they 
say, but will only remain a short time. There is talk here 
to-day again of battles. They say that in Saxony or Bohemia 
there has been a cavalry engagement, and that a big battle 
has taken place near Oppeln. However, nothing is known 
for certain. The prevailing temper here is not enthusiastic. 
People are convinced of the necessity of the war, but regret 
it, and are loath to go to the front. Munich is deserted; 
the people stand at the booksellers' windows, stare at the maps, 
and repeat the rumours they have heard to each other. 

Dusemann has just been here, and told me that the Neue 
Bayrische Kurier is enlarging upon the fact that I accompanied 
Reuss to the station. As if they could find any sympathy for 
Prussia in that. I could not let Louis leave without going to 
see him off. At eleven o'clock last night I was at the 
station to see the Austrian troops go through. But they were 
only coaches with a convoy of Italian-speaking soldiers. A 
crowd of onlookers were sauntering about. As a matter 
of fact, every one is on the go all the time to be ready to 
be off to the station and watch the troop trains. I own that 
the sight makes me sad, since it is a case of war in Germany, and 
between Germans. 

They are considering here whether they ought not to 
send their valuables to Switzerland. Still, I have heard sensible 
people again, who regard such attempts at flight as absurd. 

MUNICH, June 26, 1866. 

On my arrival back from Baden last night, I learnt that 
the Duke of Augustenburg was here. I went to see him this 
afternoon. He invited me to dine with him, and I met Samwer, 
a Dr. Lorenzen, and a Major Schmidt. After dinner we both 
drove to Schack, and then in the English Garden. He told 
me the whole history of his political life since 1863. He is 
extraordinarily calm and confident, and has no doubts as to 
the success of his cause. It was news to me that the King 
of Prussia and Bismarck were entirely in agreement with him 
until Bismarck's journey to Biarritz.t After his return, Bismarck 

* Count Gustav Castell-Castell, at that time Captain of Artillery and 
Aide-de-camp to the King. 

f The allusion is doubtless to Bismarck's visit to Biarritz in October 


tried every possible subterfuge and evasion, and then brought 
the whole affair to its present point. He, the Duke, was ready 
to make every possible concession. But Bismarck wanted 
annexation. The treaty with Italy * was concluded before the 
Castein Convention, and Bismarck has been preparing for war 
for two years, and taking measures accordingly. That time 
the matter failed on account of the opposition of the King, who 
"would not take the leap." It was for that reason alone that 
the Gastein Convention was concluded. The Duke says that the 
whole tale about the German reforms and the Parliament, 
&c., is a mere imposture. Bismarck only wants to round 
off Prussia. What of Prussia he will have to give up after the 
war is quite immaterial to him, so long as he secures more square 
miles through compensation in other directions. He wants 
Hanover, Schleswig-Holstein, and Hesse, perhaps Saxony as 
well. The Duke hopes that Austria and the other German 
States will ultimately be victorious. Of the Duke of Coburg 
he says that he is one of the men who always want to have a 
part to play, and cannot wait until the turn of the wheel has 
again brought things round to a point where they can get 
their chance again. He himself knows how to wait. That one 
must say for him. He produces an exceedingly good impression 
upon one with his calmness, his dignity, and his conscientious 
bearing. He is waiting here now for the King, but does not 
know yet to whom he is going to turn next. 

For the rest, things are quiet here. Munich is like a dead city. 
The news of the victory of the Austrians f in Italy has caused 

THURNAU, June 28. 

I have been here since yesterday. From Munich to Nurem- 
berg there was no sign of war. At Nuremberg things began to 
show signs of military activity. There was a battery of 
the 3rd Artillery Regiment at Bamberg. I met Captain von 
Massenbach, and gave him my Allgemeine Zeitung, whereat 
he was much delighted. The soldiers behaved like rough village 
louts on a Sunday; they brawled and hooted abominably. The 
keeper of the station restaurant poured out his grief over the 
sad times to me. Where the elegantly garbed Kissingen visitors 
used to dine, the soldiers are now blustering about. On the way 
to Lichtenfels I met trains full of cuirassiers. At Lichtenfels 
there were sentries on duty. All is empty about here. Who 
knows whether the Prussians may not arrive before I leave? 
Still, the battle they have lost in Bohemia,} which we read of 
in the papers to-day, will doubtless make them somewhat more 

* On the negotiations with Italy in the summer of 1865, see Sybel, Be- 
grundung des Deutschen Reichs, vol. iv. p. 129 of the popular edition. 

t The battle of Custozza, June 24. 
The engagement at Trautenau on June 27. 


MUNICH, July 3, 1866. 

The latest news from the theatre of war in Bohemia 
has aroused a feeling here which does not say much for the 
strength of character of the populace. Now all at once 
people are beginning to discover that it would have been better 
to remain neutral; the Prussian needle-guns are irresistible, 
&c. In addition to this, our Army, which might very well 
have liberated the Hanoverians, has lost weeks without any 
earthly reason, or at any rate without any known reason. At the 
Bavarian headquarters they heard the guns at Langensalza, and 
never stirred. If the war is really being directed from Munich, 
if the General Staff is under the control of an ex-professor,* 
and all orders are received via the Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
it is impossible to carry on any war. The indignation of the 
Bavarian officers is said to be great. The result of all this is that 
the weak people are losing courage, and the others are railing 
worse than ever. That the present military system of the 
Confederation has not proved efficient, and that the present con- 
stitution of the Confederation has outlived its day, is gradually 
becoming clear to everybody. At seven o'clock last evening I 
started home from the Bayrischer Hof, where I had dined at the 
table d'hote with the Duke of Augustenburg's gentlemen (the 
Duke is at Langenburg for a few days). However, it was an hour 
and a half before I reached home, for in the Ludwigstrasse I met 
Tauffkirchen, f Deroy, and Gustav Castell, with whom were 
some others. So we stood and talked over the political situation 
for an hour. In the Briennerstrasse I met with Countess Lerchen- 
feld and six old ladies, who clustered round me, and likewise 
began a political discussion. Then I went with the ladies to the 
office of the Bayrische Zeitung to get the special edition, from 
which, however, there was nothing new to be gleaned. 
People are beginning to realise here that we are much to blame 
for our conduct. 

Pfordten's delay during this winter bearing its evil fruit. It 
looks to me as if we should fall between two stools. Perhaps 
the Bavarian Army Corps will now begin to act with some energy. 
Frau von der Tann declares it will. It is to be hoped so, but 
it would have been better, while the impression of the first 
successful engagements in Bohemia and the news from Italy 
were still fresh, to advance to the relief of the Hanoverians. The 
favourable opportunity has now been allowed to slip, and I cannot 
blame the Ostedeutsche Post for inveighing against Bavaria. 

The King is at Berg again. The Bayrische Zeitung an- 
nounces that for the purpose of communication with the Ministry 
the telegraph is being installed between Berg and Munich, and 
Privy Councillor Pfistermeister, to facilitate rapid communica- 

* Von der Pfordten had been a professor at Wurzburg and Leipzig, 
t Count Tauffkirchen, then Stadtrichter (Sheriff) of Munich. 


tion between the King and his Ministers, will remain here at 
Munich ! 

MUNICH, July 5, 1866. 

The news from Bohemia is producing a very dispiriting effect 
here. Moreover, the Bavarian Army, owing to the sheer 
incompetence of its leaders, has not come to the rescue of the 
Hanoverians. The Bayrische Zeitung excuses this by saying that 
at headquarters u they did not know where the Hanoverians were." 
Is anything more ridiculous conceivable? In our War Ministry 
things are proceeding on the old bureaucratic, red-tape lines. Self- 
satisfaction and dilatoriness everywhere. Von Lutz, the Minister 
of War, so far as I can judge from the sittings of the Upper 
House in committee, is a man of very small intellectual ability. 
A man like this, who, in addition to the rest, recently banged his 
head against the door in getting off his horse and thereby made 
himself more incapable than he was before, is now at the head of 
the Bavarian Army Administration ! Prince Karl is a nervous old 
gentleman ; the officers on the General Staff are some of them no 
better than the Minister. I am watching the progress of the war 
with alarm. At any rate it is a good thing that our Bavarian 
soldiers are quite extraordinarily pugnacious, especially when they 
are well fed. It is possible that the soldiers will make up for the 
deficiencies of their leaders. 

Here, where even in quiet times we have no other recreation 
than argument and discussion, there is no end to the railing and 
the putting right of other people. The news of the battle 
between Koniggratz and Josefstadt the day before yesterday has 
made a tremendous sensation. 

Some one who is not without influence took it into his head 
to propose me as Kultusminister (Minister for Public Worship and 
Instruction). He consulted me about it first. I said, "No, thank 
you," though, for in the first place I do not wish to be a Minister 
at all; in the next place, not with these colleagues; and in the 
third place, not Minister of Public Instruction. I should never be 
safe from intrigues of every sort. Moreover, the Minister of 
Public Instruction has the Musical Academies under him, and 
I should have the pleasure of coming into conflict with Richard 
Wagner, &c. I should be sold and betrayed on all hands. 

6 P.M. 

Dined with Pfordten and several diplomatists. Pfordten 
told me that a proposal for an armistice has been sent from 
Paris to Vienna. So peace is in prospect. It would thus seem 
that we should continue the war with Prussia alone, which I 
think is madness. Pfordten had a dispute with Konneritz at 
table tfhdte. The former declared that he preferred Bismarck 
to the Prussian Liberal party, who cared just as little for justice. 
Rosty* was of opinion that Austria will continue the war with 
* Secretary to the Austrian Embassy. 


Prussia after she has given up Italy. There is general delight 
that the Bavarians have at any rate fought. The Prussians are 
at Briickenau and at Neustadt-on-Saale. We have no news of 
Prince Alexander of Hesse's 8th Army Corps, and so the Prussian 
troops have penetrated between the 7th and 8th Army Corps. 
Now the armistice will bring this campaign to an end too. 

MUNICH, July 7, 1866. 

I had business at Ansbach yesterday, so started from here at six 
o'clock. At the station I was met by the editor of the Neueste 
Nachrichten, who showed me a telegram: "Napoleon imposes 
the condition that Prussia is to evacuate Bohemia, or he will 
invade the Rhine Province." I have heard no more about this 
condition since. At Ansbach I heard that the Frankfurt Bourse 
is revelling in anticipations of peace, and that the rate had risen 
tremendously. At Ansbach every one was anxious to pack. They 
were all terrified of the Prussians. The cowardice of humanity is 
no greater than I would have believed. What more particularly 
angers me is that the authorities too seem to have lost their heads. 
This illustrates how demoralising our bureaucracy is. We 
have no men anywhere, only scribbling old women. Because a 
few hundred cuirassiers and Uhlans lost their heads, fled from 
a cavalry engagement at Fulda and arrived breathless at Wiirz- 
burg, the whole of Lower Franconia lost heart. I hear a good 
many instances of the incapacity of our military administration. 
President zu Rhein telegraphed to Munich that orders must in any 
case be issued that Wurzburg was not to be defended if the 
Prussians came ! Meanwhile the Prussians had withdrawn 
again over the Bavarian frontier. 

The engagement fought by the Bavarians near Diedorf and 
Rossdorf * was very respectable. General Zoller defended him- 
self well. They even made prisoners and lost none. Here they 
keep on talking nonsense. For instance, they say that the 
Emperor of Austria has passed through, on his way to Prince 
Karl's headquarters, and from there will go to St. Petersburg! 
Then he is to go to Paris, or to Strassburg, and so on. 

I am beginning to believe that peace is still a long way off. 
If it be true that Napoleon is imposing too harsh conditions on 
Prussia, for instance, the reinstatement of the banished German 
Princes, withdrawal from Bohemia during the continuance of the 
armistice, &c. (I say "harsh" from the Prussian point of view), then 
the King of Prussia will absolutely refuse them, and Napoleon will 
march on the. Rhine Province. Then we shall have a European 
war. We shall see before long. There is much to support this 
view. It would probably suit Napoleon very well if Prussia did not 
accept the present conditions of peace, it would give him a 
splendid opportunity of occupying the Rhine Province. In that 
case, however, Germany might possibly turn against France. The 
* Battle of Hiinfeld, July 4. 


confusion of German political affairs would reach its zenith. I 
hope that I am wrong, but such a development would be by no 
means impossible. For the present, we need not despair of the 
armistice. But what will come afterwards is anything but clear. 
That things will be as quickly settled as in the year fifty-nine 
seems to me improbable. According to the latest news the panic 
of the Wiirzburgers was absolutely baseless, as no dispersed 
cavalry arrived there at all. 

MUNICH, July 13, 1866. 

The last few days there has been great excitement here over 
the engagements in and about Kissingen.* The public have 
given vent to their excitement in abuse, as is usually the way with 
ordinary people. I had an opportunity to-day of dining with an 
officer (Diirig), who was General Zoller' s orderly officer, and 
brought his body here. Diirig has taken part in every engage- 
ment and told us a great deal. The soldiers have fought very 
well everywhere. The head administration of the General Staff 
and of the Commissariat Department leaves much to be desired. 
He said that at Kissingen the visitors were walking about the 
streets on the very morning of the battle, until the first shell 
fell in the streets, and then they crept into the cellars, where 
many a one doubtless perished. Zoller was killed by a shell, 
which killed Dung's horse as well. Both fell at the same time. 
Diirig picked Zoller up, but he was mortally wounded. The frag- 
ment of shell had torn away his right side in the region of the 
liver. Diirig brought the body out of the fight, and then by great 
good fortune got it through the Prussian fighting lines to Schwein- 
furt, where they arrived just as the Prussians were expected 
from the same quarter. 

Diirig went back to Bamberg to-day. There are the most con- 
tradictory rumours concerning the armistice. Some say that it 
is concluded ; others, that the negotiations have come to nothing. 
All the same I think that peace is desired on all sides and the 
Prussians have only dragged out the negotiations in order to 
gain time and territory. If the armistice does not become an 
accomplished fact we shall be in the unfortunate position of 
being obliged to fight with France against Prussia, a political 
situation which I regard as discreditable. The time cannot 
be far off when German consciousness will react against this 
and will condemn those who entered upon such an alliance. 
And yet we cannot be expected to fight against Austria and 
France at the same time. There are positions, like that in 
which Bavaria found herself in the year 1805, when one is forced 
into an un-German alliance without the possibility of an escape. 
General Zoller's funeral yesterday was very imposing. ^ I 
joined the procession and went with the Minister for War, behind 
Prince Adalbert. The funeral oration was insignificant. The 

* On July 10. 


parson made use of the singularly inappropriate expression that 
"the deceased had fallen a victim to his patriotism." At the 
outside, that might be said of a man who had been murdered, 
not of any one who had fallen on the field of honour. 

The Deputies for the town of Munich have paid a visit to 
Pfordten, to demand an alteration in the Ministry, as far as 
Pfordten's colleagues are concerned. 

I regard the present catastrophe with the utmost calm. It was 
unavoidable, for the opposition between Austria and Prussia had 
to come to a point and be settled ; and it was better now than ten 
years later. It is salutary, too, because it will do away with 
many rotten institutions in Germany and in particular will 
demonstrate clearly and ad hominem to the small and medium- 
sized States their pitiable unimportance. That this will be 
unfortunate for the dynasties, I admit, but it will be fortunate 
for the people. 

The King did not receive Diirig (although at Holnstein's* 
suggestion he made him a present of a horse). But a " high war 
lord" who refuses to receive an officer returned from the battle- 
field ! Is it not enough to make people rail ? 

MUNICH, August 13, 1866. 

On my arrival at Munich on the evening of the i2th, I went 
to the Club, where I found Gustav Castell and Tauffkirchen. The 
latter informed me that Bavaria would be compelled to make 
cessions of territory. They talk of the cession of a portion of the 
Palatinate to France and a portion of Under Franconia to Darm- 
stadt. Whether Bayreuth is to be given up to the Duke of 
Coburg is not yet decided. The war expenses that Bavaria will 
have to pay are said to amount to thirty million gulden. 

The Duke of Augustenburg is here again, on his return from 
a visit to his brother Christian in Switzerland. 

I was at a public meeting last night. I stood it, despite 
a temperature of 77 degrees Fahr. and a stifling atmosphere, 
reeking of beer and perspiration, until eleven o'clock. Kolb spoke 
against joining Prussia; Volk for it. The opinion of the meet- 
ing was divided. There was only unanimity in the applause when 
the bravery of the Army was praised, when the administration of 
the Army was condemned, and when von der Pfordten was abused. 
The most striking thing about the meeting was the excitement 
revealed in the faces of the audience. I could not find room in the 
hall and spent the evening on a beer-stillage in the buffet, from 
which I could see and hear without being seen, which to me was 
of special importance. 

Everything, in high politics, now depends on the decision 

of the King of Prussia. Bismarck wishes to give way to the 

Emperor Napoleon and give him Saarbriicken, Luxembourg, and 

part of the Bavarian Palatinate ; the King is obstinately opposed 

* Master of the Horse (Oberst-Stallmeister), Count von Holnstein. 



to this. If the King does not give way there will be war between 
Prussia and France. Then we shall have to side with Austria 
and Prussia against France. Whether this decision is very 
patriotically German I will not determine, whether it will meet 
with the approval of the people I doubt; but it seems to me 
that that is what will happen. 

Patriotism and popular feeling are not much considered just 
at present. If they are anxious to avoid this contingency, they 
must come to some understanding with Prussia, and there does not 
seem to be much inclination for that either in Berlin or in Munich. 

The dispossessed German Sovereigns are intriguing at all the 
Courts of Europe for foreign intervention. Official and unofficial 
agents are running themselves off their legs. The German people are 
making speeches and railing, and in the meantime the events with 
which they will suddenly be faced are preparing without their 
intervention and then they will have to hold their peace and 
pay. It has always been the same, and it will be for some time 

MUNICH, August 18, 1866. 

I went yesterday to see the new Minister for War,* to return 
his call. He is an elegant officer, and you can see at once that 
he is a man of large fortune, independent position, and good 
breeding. In contrast to his predecessor, Lutz, who looked wry 
and unwholesome, he produces a fresh, agreeable impression 
upon one; and yet they declare that this Minister for War 
has not the capacity to reorganise the Army. What is lack- 
ing in the Bavarian Army is thorough technical knowledge and 
the necessary educational establishments. They have been 
preaching this for thirty years to Prince Karl, so old M. assures 
me, but he considers the present training quite sufficient. 

With regard to the peace negotiations in Berlin, they say, 
amongst other things, the following: Von der Pfordten told 
Bismarck that he did not understand why such hard conditions 
of peace were imposed on Bavaria, when Saxony, Wurtemberg, 
and Hesse were being so favourably treated. In reply, Bismarck 
said: "What do you expect? Austria is interceding for Saxony, 
Russia is interceding for Wurtemberg and Darmstadt no one is 
interceding for you!" A bitter criticism of von der Pfordten's 

Here they were anxious to get into the good graces of the 
Emperor Napoleon, and they sent Perglas to Paris. But he 
was not even received by Napoleon, and his mission fell through. 
If I were malicious, this would delight me. 

Yesterday there was a report about that Bavaria had con- 
cluded an alliance with Prussia and placed a hundred thousand 
men at her disposal, in return for which Prussia withdrew all her 
demands for cession of territory and pecuniary indemnity. On 
* Freiherr von Pranckh. 


inquiry, however, it turned out that the rumour was an invention. 
The King is busy devising scenery for the opera William Tell 
and is having costumes made for himself, dressed in which 
he parades his room. Meanwhile it is a question whether his 
kingdom is to lose thirty thousand inhabitants of Franconia 
and seven hundred thousand of the Palatinate. 

The Duke of Nassau is here. He wears blue spectacles and 
looks like an owl. Why he wears uniform I do not know; 
perhaps the Prussians have taken away his civilian clothes. I 
think it comprehensible, and from the purely human standpoint 
quite excusable, for these banished, or as they now say "dis- 
possessed," monarchs to appeal to foreign Powers for help against 
Prussia's "oppression." From the German point of view, how- 
ever, there is no justification for it, and in the interests of Germany 
it is to be hoped that their intrigues will prove unsuccessful. 

My presence is still viewed with the greatest suspicion. If 
Privy Councillor Aretin were a real basilisk, he would have 
annihilated me with his glances long ago. I can read similar 
suspicious thoughts in the faces of many others. Prince Ludwig 
is not yet out of danger. They have not yet found the bullet. 

Bavaria will probably pay twenty million gulden and be 
obliged to cede a small portion of Lower Franconia and a portion 
of Upper Franconia, Hof, &c. That is the latest news. 

During the discussion over the drafting of the Bill touching the 
war indemnity to be paid to Prussia, the Chamber of Deputies ex- 
pressed the wish : " That his Majesty the King would be graciously 
pleased to use his influence in such a direction that, by means of a 
closer union with Prussia, the path be entered upon which, at the 
present time, is the only one that can lead to the wished-for 
goal of a United Germany, co-operating with a freely elected 
parliament constituted with the powers demanded for the 
effectual guarding of national interests and the repulse of possible 
attacks from abroad." The Reporter of the Senate (Chamber 
of Senators), Freiherr von Thiingen, could not recommend 
the adoption, of the motion, but proposed something to the 
following effect: "We desire that his Majesty the King, in 
the event of an attack by a foreign Power on German terri- 
tory, will endeavour, with all the forces of the nation and 
of the Army to repulse the attack." Prince Hohenlohe, on 
the contrary, at the sitting of the Upper House on August 31, 
1866, spoke in favour of the motion. "It seems to me," he 
said, "that this motion is of extreme importance. It brings 
us at once into the German question and testifies to a 
change of opinion in the whole country of such a sweeping char- 
acter as I have never encountered in the course of my political 
life. When, seventeen years ago, in the sitting of November 12, 
1849, I spoke on the reorganisation of Germany in the sense of the 
proposals of Prussia at the time, and advocated a closer associa- 



tion with Prussia, I did so and was obliged to do so, expressly 
recognising that I was at variance with the opinion of the Bava- 
rian people. I bowed then to the opinion of the majority. Since 
then numerous projects in a greater German spirit have cropped 
up and disappeared again. I have never regarded them as 
practicable. To-day we see ourselves confronted by a motion 
passed by a great majority in the Chamber of Deputies, which 
anxiously recommends the reorganisation of Germany in close 
union with Prussia. You will think it consistent on my part, 
my lords, if I support this motion and recommend its adoption. 
But if you ask, in your astonishment, how it is possible that 
such a reversal of opinion could have come about among the 
Bavarian people, the answer is not hard to find. 

"After Austria withdrew from the German Confederation, after 
the dispersal of the German Confederation, we were face to face 
with the question: 'What is to become of Bavaria?' Three 
ways lay open before us, the founding of a South- West German 
Confederation, the isolation of Bavaria, and a falling back on 
Prussia. That the founding of a South- West German Confedera- 
tion was ever within the domain of practical politics, I suppose 
no one has ever seriously maintained. At any rate, no real 
supporter of this parochial idea of Germany has come in my way. 
To place Bavaria as an independent State in the centre of the 
great European Powers seems to me equally impossible. No one 
will maintain that such a position can be maintained by any 
State of five million inhabitants, without the support of a greater 
Power. Consequently there is only left to us to consider whether 
we will lean on France, as in the time of the Rhine Confedera- 
tion, or Prussia. 

"I must now, to the honour of my country, declare that not 
even during the worst days of our recent history has there come 
forward one advocate of a French alliance, with the excep- 
tion, perhaps, of a Munich local paper, which has defended the 
suggestion. Union with Prussia, therefore, remains the only 
course. But now the question arises as to whether the time has yet 
arrived for endeavouring to bring this alliance about. There is 
an objection that could be raised, and has been, though not in this 
august Chamber, i.e., that it is unworthy of Bavaria to stretch out 
her hand to her victorious enemy so soon. I confess that I have 
never been able to understand this objection. We have con- 
cluded Peace with Prussia; but peace means reconciliation, and 
excludes every thought of bitterness or revenge. It is the pre- 
rogative of civilised nations to regard war as a political neces- 
sity, in contrast to the negro races of Central Africa, who wage 
war for lust of booty and of blood, and finally slaughter and 
devour their captives. 

"Among civilised people, animosity ceases when the political 
conditions which have produced it disappear. Much more 
should this be the case with peoples of one and the same race 


who are dependent on one another. Another objection here 
raised was that we should first wait to examine the Constitution 
of the North German Confederation before deciding in favour 
of entry or against it. But I will ask you to remember, my 
lords, that this delay may be very dangerous to Bavaria. Who 
can guarantee that the present peace of Europe will remain 
undisturbed? Should an event occur to shatter this peace, 
Bavaria would be left completely isolated and forsaken. The 
disadvantage of having no champion, no friend, and no allies 
has been experienced to the full by the Minister of Foreign 
Affairs in Berlin. I think it would be more advisable to secure a 
position in the North German Confederation at the present 
moment, when the details are by no means settled or the 
organisation complete, and when it is still possible to secure 
favourable conditions for the independence of Bavaria and its 
dynasty, than afterwards to knock at the door of a house, if I 
may use a metaphor previously employed by our respected 
Second President, the construction of which is complete, which 
has, so to speak, taken its final form, and the doors of which 
can be closed against us. If we apply then, we shall either be 
excluded or obliged to agree to conditions which might mean 
the destruction of our dynasty, and of our racial character. It 
has also been urged that Prussia does not wish for our alliance; 
I think I know the feeling in Prussia, and I feel bound to say that 
this objection to an alliance with South Germany exists only in 
one party, the so-called Kreuzzeitung party, which regards con- 
stitutional life in South Germany as an abomination. The 
majority of the Prussian people do not share this aversion, which 
is entertained least of all by the Government. The fact that the 
Prussian Government has made no proposals inviting us to enter 
the Federation, or to make an alliance, is perfectly natural in view 
of the position of Prussia with respect to France. This, however, 
is no reason why the South German States and their repre- 
sentatives should withhold their opinion. I mean to say that 
even if Prussia is obliged to consider the attitude of France, the 
German nation is big enough to say what it wishes, what it 
considers advisable, justifiable, and politic for its own welfare, 
without reference to the wishes and hopes which may exist beyond 
the Rhine. I am also of the opinion that the supposed animosity 
of France to Germany is merely an artificial creation of under- 
hand party intrigues. The French nation is too generous, too 
self-reliant, and too noble to feel any apprehension at the 
organisation of a united Germany. 

"I admit that the formulation of the proposal leaves something 
to be desired. But if alliance with Prussia is necessary, and if it 
is necessary now, it is our duty to express this as the proposal 
before us does, though imperfectly. I do not regard the 
proposal as an attempt to mediatise Bavaria, but as merely 
expressing the desire of the country to abandon to some extent 


its present isolation. It can thus only be a basis for further 
negotiations. I therefore recommend its acceptance in the 
interests of our Fatherland, in the interests of Bavaria and of 
the preservation of Germany." 

The proposal of the Chamber of Deputies was rejected by the 
Upper House. Besides Prince Hohenlohe, its only supporters 
were Count von Fugger-Babenhausen, Count von Pappenheim, 
and the Prince of Oettingen-Wallerstein. 

At the same session, the Upper House discussed the further 
proposal sent up from the Chamber of Deputies: 

"That his Majesty the King may be pleased to guarantee to 
the Bavarian people the proffered further development of their 
domestic institutions, in particular the reform of Army organisa- 
tion, the reorganisation of the educational system on the basis of 
absence of tests, and the assurance of full freedom of con- 
science, and that his Majesty may be pleased to direct the 
immediate proposition of draft measures of social legislation in 
this sense." 

The Upper House agreed to this proposal in the sitting of 
August 31, 1866. Those who voted against it were Archbishops 
von Scherr and von Deinlein, Bishop von Dinkel, Count von 
Seinsheim, and Freiherren, Karl and Karl Maria von Aretin. 


MUNICH, September i, 1866. 

The Landtag summoned to discuss the conclusion of peace is 
now at an end. The introduction of the peace proposal gave me 
no opportunity to make a speech, and I thought I should have 
got through without being disturbed, but during the discussion 
of a financial measure, the Chamber of Deputies almost unani- 
mously adopted a proposal requesting the Government to ask for 
a close union with Prussia and the German Parliament. This 
question was therefore also submitted to us, and it was impossible 
for me to keep silence. Every one knows my opinions and expected 
that I should make a speech on this proposal. This I did at yester- 
day's sitting. There is not the least doubt that public opinion 
in Bavaria in all classes and districts is in favour of a union with 
Prussia. This, of course, is not the opinion of the Court and the 
Ministers. They regard the proposal as an attempt to mediatise 
Bavaria, and therefore oppose it, as also does the Ultramontane 
party, which, however, is rapidly losing ground. But the 
opponents of Prussia have no counter proposals to make. No 
one has proposed a union with Austria, not even the Ultramontane 
party; no one dares to propose union with France or the revival 
of the Rhine Confederation. Not a single voice is raised on 
behalf of the South-Western Confederation. And yet nobody 
believes that Bavaria can remain isolated. None the less my 
speech must have given great offence to the Court party and the 


Ultramontanes and my prospects of office are greatly diminished 
in consequence. I have, however, a reputation as a friend of 
Prussia, which is further justified by my political past, so that 
the only course open was for me to abide by this view and to 
urge it publicly, the more so as I have the whole Chamber of 
Deputies behind me. In the Upper House, the opposition 
against me was very weak. Pfordten had received a somewhat 
violent telegram from Bismarck concerning the murder of a 
Prussian officer* by a Bavarian soldier, * but he begged the House 
not to oppose Prussia too violently on that account. Thus, I 
found little real opposition in the Chamber, and the Prussian 
tendency of my speech was quite agreeable to Pfordten. There 
is no doubt that I shall be scarified in the Ultramontane Press, 
that is, in the Volksbote, and in the Neue Bayrische Kurier. 

In ultra-Bavarian circles there is a hope that something 
may be secured by delay and inaction. They still believe that 
it will be possible to retain the independence of Bavaria; they 
hope, like the Micawber family in David Copper field, "that 
something will turn up!" Meanwhile time is passing and 
Bavaria is slowly tottering to its fall. If they could resolve upon 
decisive negotiations with Prussia, they would even now be able 
to secure very tolerable terms for the King and the country. 
This, however, they will not do, and will be an easy prey for some 
one in the first great European crisis. I have, at any rate, said 
what I think. 

MUNICH, October n, 1866. 

My journey to Munich came at a very interesting moment 
and was exceedingly useful, as it allowed me to observe all the 
bearings of the situation. Immediately upon my arrival I sent 
for Dr. Schanzenbach f to examine Philipp Ernst's knee. After 
ordering the necessary plasters he proceeded to talk politics. I 
saw that he must have some special news, for there was an atmos- 
phere of statesmanlike importance about him which I had not 
previously observed in him. The riddle was speedily solved 
when he told me that for the last fortnight he had met the King 
almost every evening at the house of Paul Taxis. His judgment 
of the King was very favourable, and it becomes more and more 
obvious that the neglect and the mistakes of which the King 
has been accused are really due to the Cabinet. My instincts 
were not deceived ; it is true that Pfistermeister and Lutz t 
purposely kept the King in isolation in order that they might 
pursue their protection policy undisturbed in conjunction with 

* A Bavarian soldier had shot a Prussian officer from a railway carriage 

t A distinguished physician with a large practice in the best society. 

j Pfistermeister was Ministerial Councillor and head of the Civil 
Cabinet: Lutz was a Councillor of the Court of Appeal and afterwards 
Minister; he then held a Cabinet appointment. 


Pfordten and Bombard. In consequence the King knew nothing 
of the military memorial service. It was Pfistermeister who 
induced the King not to attend the funeral of General Zoller, not 
to visit the hospitals, &c. It appears that Schanzenbach has 
helped to open the King's eyes. The King then consulted the 
ex-Minister Neumayr, * and resolved to make some changes in 
the Cabinet and to summon Neumayr, Tauffkirchen, and 
Feilitzsch. Negotiations are still in progress; it is said that 
Neumayr is to be Cabinet Minister or Minister of the Royal 
Household, while the two others are to have posts as Cabinet 
Councillors. Pfordten will then have to retire. The King 
wishes me to take Pfordten's place, and said so. Hence the 
newspaper articles. The Ultramontane party, and probably also 
Neumayr, are now working in the opposite direction, for the 
latter cannot forget an attack I made on him in the House. 
Public opinion is no less favourable to me than before. My 
speech has greatly helped my case, as the great majority 
consider an understanding with Prussia necessary, so long as the 
North German Federation is not firmly organised, and to these 
views I first gave expression without reserve. The unmeaning 
policy of Pfordten is generally condemned. The very day after 
my arrival I was again surprised by an article in the Neueste 
Nachrichten, in which it was definitely asserted that I had been 
chosen to replace Pfordten. The worthy citizens of Munich 
who all read the Neueste Nachrichten over their coffee naturally 
accepted this news as official. Some said they had seen me 
making a State visit to the King, others that the King had 
come to me to ask me to take the Ministry, others asserted 
I had declined because I had formerly been passed over, and 
so on. 

The truth seems to be that the King has not abandoned his 
plan, but that intrigues are being made against it from all sides. 
Vecchioni,t whom I saw this afternoon, says it is very likely that 
the former Cabinet Councillors will be reinstated, and that all 
will remain as it was. The Augsburger Postzeitung prophesies 
misfortune upon my appointment to the Ministry. The local 
newspapers regard my appointment as the beginning of a golden 
age, while the Augsburger Allgemeine pointedly ignores me. 

In any case these intrigues will continue for some months 
longer. The Provisional Cabinet will continue until December i, 
so von der Tann tells me. But if Pfistermeister is definitely 
deposed, it will be impossible for Pfordten and Bomhard to remain. 

My appointment depends upon the alternatives that Neumayr 
may consider it to his interest to increase his popularity by in- 
cluding me in a new Ministry, or may be afraid that my presence 
will do him harm. In the latter event, no doubt, the worthy 

* Max von Neumayr, formerly Minister at Stuttgart and Minister of 
the Interior. 

t The editor of the Munchner Neueste Nachrichten. 


Bray,* or some other nonentity from the Bavarian Diplomatic 
Service would be appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

MUNICH, November 3, 1866. 

On October 25 I received a letter from Holnstein| under 
date October 18, inviting me to Munich to discuss my entry to 
the Ministry, and the day after a second letter with a circular 
from the Minister Pfordten, and a request from the King to give 
an opinion upon it. I therefore set to work immediately and 
was ready a few days afterwards. On the 3ist I came to Munich. 
The first person I saw was Tauff kirchen ; I showed him the cir- 
cular and my opinion, with which he entirely agreed, though 
upon his advice I made some modification of the concluding 

On November i, Holnstein arrived. He began by offering 
me, in the name of the King, the Ministry of Domestic and 
Foreign Affairs, and the post of Prime Minister, and also 
held out to me the prospect of the post of Chief Royal Chamber- 
lain. Un honneur que je gotite fort mediocrement. I expressed 
my approval, and suggested some changes among the other 
Ministers. We agreed that Bomhard must retire, but that the 
other Ministers could remain. The conclusion of the matter was, 
however, deferred until Holnstein should have spoken with 
Neumayr, and this he was to do on the 2nd. In the mean- 
while I proceeded to make inquiries, and discovered that at the 
moment there was no sufficient reason for a change of Ministers, 
and that I could not calculate upon a specially favourable recep- 
tion by public opinion. My entry to the Ministry would be 
generally approved, but there is no great anxiety for my appoint- 
ment. Parties were not yet organised, and the anti-Prussian 
feeling is not yet sufficiently pacified. At the same time I cannot 
conceal from myself that the King's desire to have me as Minister 
in accordance with the communications of Holnstein proceeds 
from his passion for Wagner. f The King remembers that I 
formerly characterised the removal of Wagner as an unnecessary 
measure, and hopes that I will be able to secure his return. I 
have no desire to form a Wagner Ministry, though I also consider 
that Wagner's return later would be by no means a misfortune. 
This fact, and the consideration that after the beginning of the 
Landtag, or perhaps immediately before, my position would be 
stronger than it now is, seeing that at this moment the Ministry 
seems to be due to a Court intrigue, confirmed my satisfaction 

* Count Bray-Steinburg, then Minister in Vienna, and Foreign Minister 
in 1870. 

t Count Holnstein, Master of the Horse. 

I In a letter of January 17, 1867, published in the Miinchner Neueste 
Nachrichten (No. 574) of December 8, 1904, Richard Wagner claims the 
honour of having first advised King Ludwig to confide in Prince Hohenlohe 
and to ask for his advice. 


when Holnstein came the next day and said that Neumayr was 
decidedly against me. As, however, Neumayr is already distasteful 
to the King, and will not long maintain his position, he will not 
trouble me for long. Meanwhile Holnstein will attempt to retain 
the King's favour and to represent my interests. At the same 
time I hear from another quarter, namely, from Donniges* and 
Umbscheiden, that the Chamber would be on my side if I were to 
form a Ministry immediately before a meeting of the Landtag, 
but that if the present Ministry continues until the opening of 
the Landtag, a change would be more difficult. I have therefore 
written to Tauffkirchen giving him a free hand to act in this direc- 
tion if he thinks it necessary. I have been able to stop the intrigues 
of Neumayr through the influence of Donniges and Umbscheiden 
and have thus prepared the ground for my own operations. 
Thus, if the King should insist upon his idea that I should form a 
Ministry before the meeting of the Landtag, I have made arrange- 
ments for my recall by telegraph, and in the meantime the Press 
will be worked in my favour. 

I am leaving here this evening and shall try and get through 
my business as quickly as possible, that I may return at the 
proper time, or may be at least within range of a telegram, which 
could be sent to me to Viktor at Rauden. 

The projects here proposed are so stupid and so dangerous 
to the country that in all humility I regard my entrance to the 
Ministry as a necessity. I am on the trace of a plot for making 
Neumayr Prime Minister and Bray Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
Je Vai ebruite and have, perhaps, nipped the matter in the bud. 

In the above-mentioned circular of the Minister von der 
Pfordten, issued on November 5, 1866, the following passage 
occurred, regarding the future position of Bavaria with respect 
to North Germany: 

"Entrance into the North German Confederation can in no case 
be regarded as an object of Bavarian policy. Since the year 
1848 Bavaria has consistently pursued the principle of agreeing 
with every reform of the German Confederation by which Austria 
and Prussia have been equally affected, but of refusing a constitu- 
tional union with either of these great Powers alone. This is both 
in the interests of Bavaria and in those of Germany as a whole, as 
such a measure would imply both the mediatisation of Bavaria and 
the disruption of Germany. In accordance with this principle, the 
Bavarian Government refused the Imperial Constitution of 1849, 
and declined to enter the so-called 'Three Kings' League' 
with the Erfurt Parliament. Similarly, after the failure of the 
Congress of Princes in the year 1863, Bavaria declined to reor- 
ganise the Confederation apart from Prussia. Similarly again, 

*Von Donniges (1814-1872) had been recalled from his post as Bava- 
rian Agent in Switzerland, and was then living as a private individual in 


Bavaria is now forced to decline entry to the North Ger- 
man Confederation." 

The opinion of the Prince which is alluded to above deals 
with this point and observes: 

" As the policy of the Bavarian Government upon the German 
question has been of an essentially negative nature since 1849, 
so also his Excellency's policy now aims at maintaining 
Bavarian independence by a policy of negation. 

"In my opinion, however, recent events have made the position 
of Bavaria so dangerous that it is impossible to see any adequate 
guarantee for the independence of the Throne and country as 
forthcoming from a waiting policy. The preponderance of Prussia 
in Germany has been an accomplished fact since the secession of 
Austria from the Confederation and the extension of Prussia. 
This extended Prussia now rules the German North, stands at the 
head of thirty millions of inhabitants, and can dispose of an Army 
of nearly eight hundred thousand men. An alliance of friendship 
between Bavaria and the German North is the alliance of a stronger 
with a weaker power, and will be respected by Prussia just so 
long as it is to her interest. 

" Experience shows that a constitutional alliance can offer 
permanent guarantees, and such an alliance is, therefore, on a 
different footing. The German Confederation, notwithstanding 
its defects, lasted for fifty years, and this permanence was derived 
from its character as a constitutional alliance. Though Prussia 
worked for decades to secure its dissolution, the disruption of 
the federation was only caused by a conjunction of extraordinary 
circumstances. Hitherto, Bavaria has never existed without the 
protection of some such constitutional federation, for the German 
Imperial Confederation and the Rhine Confederation might both 
be considered as of this character. 

"Now, however, the experiment of independence is to be 
tried at a moment at which the existence of secondary States is 
endangered apart from other facts, by the general tendency to 
the formation of large States, and by the precarious nature of 
European peace. 

"If Bavaria was a State either able or likely to be self-sufficient 
the danger would be less. But could Bavaria be politically 
self-sufficient supposing that her frontiers were menaced? 
Would she, if thrown upon her own resources, be able to defend 
even the Palatinate against France? 

"Bavaria is just as unable to stand alone in the organisa- 
tion of her economic resources. If the Zollverein were confined 
to North Germany, and the South were excluded from member- 
ship, it would still extend over an area of thirty million inhabitants. 
The industries of Bavaria could never bear the strain that would 
arise. If the North German Confederation agreed to form 
a common organisation of means of communication, of railways, 


posts, and telegraphs, of coinage, weights, and measures, if a 
uniform civil and penal legislation were there secured, and if 
Bavaria were excluded from all these advantages, a force of attrac- 
tion would be exerted upon the South German population, the 
consequences of which would be only too speedily obvious. 

" Reference has recently been made with some confidence to 
Belgium and Switzerland in order to prove the possibility that 
Bavaria could exist as an isolated State. But it is forgotten that 
Switzerland and Belgium either have definite geographical 
boundaries or a definite national character which can flourish 
in this isolation, while they are also supported by many external 
circumstances which are wanting in the case of Bavaria; of these 
the most important is the fact that they are not likely to be 
absorbed into any larger unity by the force of national 

"This leads me to speak of the greatest danger which threatens 
Bavarian independence. We cannot shut our eyes to the fact 
that the Bavarian nation is penetrated by the impulse to unity 
which has seized all the German races. This 'impulse to unity 
which has been existent for decades,' as the circular describes 
it, has 'been fostered and cherished by constant expressions of 
sympathy from the German Government. Further expression 
was given to this tendency by the motion proposed in the Chamber 
of Deputies on August 30. 

" Such a catastrophe as the death of the French Emperor would 
bring the revolutionary elements to the front, and in such a case 
the tendency of the German population to unification would 
assume dimensions which cannot be foreseen. Even now this atti- 
tude is steadily becoming more prevalent in Southern Germany. 
At the present moment it is still possible to rely upon the 
particularism of the South German population in order to 
secure a certain measure of special independence. At the present 
moment the antagonism of the South Germans to Prussia and 
their loyalty to the native dynasties is strong enough, based 
upon these tendencies, to secure favourable conditions on the 
conclusion of a new Federal Convention. This is, however, but a 
transitory frame of mind and should, therefore, be utilised at 
once, and particularly when the question of a new German 
Constitution is under discussion. 

"If it is generally recognised that the dissolution of the German 
Confederation threatens the existence of the secondary States, and 
if it is the duty of a Minister of his Majesty the King to confront 
these dangers, and to secure the rights and independence of his 
Monarch, that course must be followed which will lead most 
surely to this end and will protect the Crown for the longest 
possible time against aggression at home or abroad. The circular 
states, with entire justice, 'that the secondary States exist not 
so much through their own power as in virtue of their historical 
and contractual rights.' This is the very reason why the duty 


of self-preservation demands the earliest possible return to this 
basis of contractual right." 


MUNICH, December 12, 1866. 

Yesterday I returned early from Vienna and immediately 
wrote to Tauffkirchen to ask him to call upon me. He appeared 
at one o'clock and informed me that he had not spoken to Holn- 
stein, but had inferred from the assertions of Schanzenbach that 
the influence of Neumayr was stronger than ever, and that he 
had succeeded in convincing Holnstein that the Chamber was 
against me. Neumayr had probably told King Ludwig and Prince 
Karl he would undertake to keep me out of the Ministry, 
and had thus soothed the apprehensions which these dignitaries 
had entertained of his entrance into the Cabinet. It thus appears 
as if my proposed entrance to the Ministry would not be secured. 
But in any case, says Tauflkirchen, the Chamber will decide 
in favour of my programme and my position will thereby be 
improved. In the evening I met Tauffkirchen, who had been 
summoned to Holnstein; he promised to call upon me at eight 
o'clock. This he did, and it then appeared that the situation 
had materially changed. After the arrival of the King in the 
night of the loth and nth, Pfordten had handed in his resigna- 
tion; Neumayr is ill in bed, and the King is asking for Holn- 
stein's advice. Tauffkirchen has therefore advised him to induce 
the King to accept Pfordten's resignation, to allow the Privy 
Councillor Daxenberger to lead the Ministry until the Chamber 
has assembled and expressed its opinion, and to postpone the 
formation of the new Ministry until then. This programme 
is in entire agreement with my former proposals. In any case, 
the Chamber will express an opinion in accordance with my 
views and then my appointment is certain, and my position 

This morning Tauffkirchen called upon me, and said that this 
had been done. The King is going to Hohenschwangau and is 
taking Lutz with him. Lutz is not against me and will be won 
over by the prospect of obtaining the Ministry of Justice. Thus 
I am certain that no intrigues will be begun against me in the 
meantime. Neumayr will be overthrown, and assessor Riedel 
will come in as a simple Cabinet Secretary or Councillor. 

December 17. 

On the evening of Friday the i4th, Holnstein came to me and 
informed me of the King's desire that I should confer with Schlor,* 
whom the King desires to keep in the Ministry. "I was to come 

* Schlor, Director of the East Railways and an influential Deputy, had 
been made the first Bavarian Minister of Commerce. He then represented 
the constituency of Amberg. 


to an understanding with him," as Neumayr had told the King 
that all the Ministers would resign if I entered the Ministry. 
Tauffkirchen called upon me the next morning and brought the 
letter from Lutz, the Councillor of the Court of Appeal, containing 
this commission for me ; he also brought my criticism of Pford ten's 
circular in order that I might have both documents at hand 
during my conversation with Schlor. I found Schlor at the 
Ministry and gave him the papers with the necessary observa- 
tions. The result of the conversation was that we are agreed 
upon the main points, though Schlor regards the attempt to secure 
a Federal Convention with Prussia as neither necessary nor desir- 
able at this moment. I promised him to draw up a programme 
and to submit it to his notice. I immediately hastened to com- 
municate this result to the King through Holnstein. In the 
evening I drew up my programme, discussed it on Sunday with 
Donniges, and then gave it to Tauffkirchen, who considered that 
it was not sufficiently definite and drew up a new programme 
which he brought to me on Monday. This I was the more 
easily able to accept, as I had heard in the meantime from Reuss 
that in view of the approaching debates of the North German 
Parliament, the North was not disposed to open negotiations with 
South Germany out of consideration for France. At the conclu- 
sion of our discussion I asked Tauffkirchen whether he would 
allow me to tell Schlor that he had drawn up the programme, 
and also inquired whether he would be eventually prepared to 
take over the Ministry of the Interior. He replied in the affirma- 
tive to both questions, and requested that if possible he might 
also be publicly announced as the author of the programme, 
supposing that my proposal to him were to take effect. To this 
I agreed, as I have every respect for his motive, which is to gain 
ground in public opinion by this means. 

On the evening of the same day I gave the programme to 
Schlor. On the next day (Tuesday) he brought it back and 
declared himself agreed. Tauffkirchen was there. Some altera- 
tions were arranged, and then I sent it to Holnstein. In the 
meanwhile I had heard that the appointment of Tauffkirchen 
as Minister would arouse much public misgiving, and I therefore 
composed my letter to Holnstein so as to make it appear that I 
proposed no Ministerial changes with the possible exception of 
the Minister of Justice, for which post I proposed President 
Neumayr. Now it is the 2oth and I am waiting for the King's 

The " programme" mentioned in the above note runs as 
follows : 

* Ludwig von Neumayr, President of the Court of Appeal, brother of 
the former Minister, a lawyer of high reputation, member of the Landtag for 
the constituency of Munich. 


(1) The object of Bavarian policy, which, though remote, 
must steadily be kept in view, seems to us to be the maintenance 
of Germany, the union of all or at least of the greater number of 
the German nationalities in a Federal State, protected abroad by 
a strong central Power, and at home by a Parliamentary Con- 
stitution, preserving at the same time the integrity of the State 
and Crown of Bavaria. 

Direct and immediate attempts to realise this object we regard 
as, for the moment, premature. Austria has retired from the 
Confederation and is turning for security at this moment to its non- 
German elements. The formation of a South German Federal 
State under the leadership of this united Austria we regard 
neither as desirable nor as practicable. Prussia is occupied 
with the formation of a Federal Alliance having the character of 
a unified State among the smaller States of the German North, 
and is not at the moment ready to admit the South German States 
to this alliance; nor do we regard the unconditional entry of 
Bavaria into the North German Federation as the best means of 
securing unity. We should consider such attempts to secure 
incorporation in the Prussian State as absolutely incompatible 
with the duties of the Royal advisers of Bavaria. 

Further, we should regard an attempt to open negotiations 
for a union producing any other form of Federal State with 
Prussia as a hopeless undertaking at this moment, when North 
Germany herself does not feel the necessity for such a union. 
It is, therefore, for the present abandoned. 

A South-West German Federation, with a Parliamentary Con- 
stitution might possibly be secured between the States of Bavaria, 
Wiirtemberg, Baden, and those parts of Hesse which are not 
united with North Germany, provided that there was a real desire 
for such union in the population of the above-mentioned States. 
This, however, is not the case; an attempt would only serve to 
emphasise and increase existing disruption and is therefore to 
be deprecated. 

Thus far it is clear that on the question of an organic reunion 
of all the German States, Bavaria is at present, unfortunately, 
in our opinion, reduced to adopt a waiting policy. 

(2) These considerations do not, however, entirely define the 
present task of Bavarian policy. 

Bavaria as a secondary State cannot exist without an alliance 
with some first-class European Power. Some such support is 
especially necessary at a moment when the Constitution of the 
German Confederation has been shattered and the possibility of 
serious conflicts in Europe cannot be disputed. That first-class 
State which Bavaria should join, and of which Bavaria should 
declare herself the .ally in case of war, is, in our firm opinion, 



It cannot be Austria, the organisation of which offers no 
guarantee that we should ever attain our object; it cannot be 
France, for France would only agree to such an alliance in the 
hope of rounding off her frontier line, while the revival of an 
alliance stigmatised by history would arouse great misgiving. 

An alliance with Prussia would enable us, not indeed, to secure 
the maintenance of peace in Europe, but to turn the scale in 
favour of its preservation. 

It cannot, however, be a mere alliance; the relative position 
of the Powers at this moment will oblige Bavaria, in return for a 
definite guarantee of the suzerainty of her King, to place herself 
under the command of Prussia in the event of war, for which 
reason the organisation of our forces must be considered with 
reference to this possibility. We think that we may at once 
proceed to prepare the way for such an alliance. 

Though we feel bound to state that Bavaria would stand by 
Prussia, if she were to be attacked, it is none the less self-evident 
that together with this alliance friendly relations must as far 
as possible be maintained with the other Powers and especially 
with the Empire of Austria. 

(3) With reference to the German secondary States of the 
South-West Group, our policy, in accordance with what we have 
said, will aim at securing for them a similar alliance with Prussia 
and with ourselves. 


(1) In view of the objects of Bavarian policy on the national 
question, it is the task of the Bavarian Government to aim at 
securing a common and uniform system of legislation and com- 
munication for all the German States. 

(2) The discussion and achievement of social legislation and of 
a common regulation of religious procedure is to be conducted 
upon these principles and to be accelerated as much as possible. 

(3) Military organisation is to be on the principle of the 
obligation of universal service while avoiding those abuses which 
have given rise to reasonable complaints of the Prussian system. 

Legislative regulation of all exceptional resolutions permis- 
sible in time of war seems advisable. 

The investigation and punishment of ordinary crimes and 
misdemeanours committed by soldiers in time of peace is to be left 
to the civil courts, though infringements of the law by officers 
are to be regarded as crimes against military honour and on that 
account to be subject as previously to military jurisdiction. 

(4) The association of capital to improve and to support decay- 
ing commercial or agricultural credit is imperatively urged. In 
the department of the State finances the strictest order is to be 
secured and the Customs system is to be simplified. Efforts are 
to be made gradually to remove the dangers affecting the credit 


of the State, which arise from the State's guarantee of bank 
business and of the issue of State bank-notes. 

(5) The strict subordination of all administrative classes to the 
law will gradually inspire the nation with respect for the law. 
The simplification and the consequent strengthening of the 
administrative organisation is desirable, together with a uniform 
administration of the guardians of the public peace. These 
measures will meet the reasonable demands of the nation 
respecting public order and security. Actual defects in the 
laws in this direction, if such exist, are to be removed by 
modifications duly proposed. 

(6) Complete independence of the judicature and the adminis- 
tration of justice is to be preserved, while control of the judicial 
officers is to be maintained by a disciplinary law. The discipline 
of solicitors and attorneys is to be secured by Chambers, to be 
elected by those concerned. 

(7) Peace between the various religious bodies and in particular 
peace with the authorities of the Catholic Church is to be secured 
so far as compatible with conscientious observance of the existing 
laws. Any sacrifices may be made to meet the demands of the 
time for public education. 

(8) The right of the Landtag to demand the submission of 
legislative proposals from the Government is recognised. 

(9) A Bill will be proposed for the extension of the Upper 

(10) In conclusion it seems necessary to revise the competence 
of the Ministerial Council and thus to facilitate the formation and 
maintenance of a uniform Ministry for the protection of the 
Crown and the Constitution. 

Contemporary note by the PRINCE. 

There are some further points to be considered on taking 

The formation of a uniform Ministry is desirable to secure the 
co-operation of the collective Ministers guided by one spirit and 
by similar principles. Proposals upon this head, the scheme of a 
joint Ministry of this nature and for the Ministerial Presidents, will 
form the material of a subsequent proposal. The President of 
the Cabinet might be a Minister without a portfolio ; this would 
secure the advantage that the direct adviser of the Crown would 
be responsible to the Chambers. A Minister without a portfolio 
is, however, unknown to the Constitution, and the creation 
of this office would require the consent of the Chambers to an 
alteration in the Constitution; I therefore consider that it would 
be advisable to abandon this for the moment and let the matter 
rest with the proposed appointment of Herr von Neumayr. 

As regards individual Ministers, Herr von Pechmann may 
be left in possession of his office. He is a straightforward and 


highly respected man, who has an opportunity of securing the 
confidence of the country by the proposal of his social measures. 
There is also nothing to be said against Herr von Pfretzschner 
and Herr von Schlb'r. 

The Minister Gresser is perhaps lacking in energy, but this 
defect may be compensated by the co-operation of the whole 
Ministry upon important questions affecting ecclesiastical affairs. 

The Minister Bomhard is best replaced by Herr von Neumayr. 

Count Tauffkirchen regards the moment as inopportune for his 
entry to the Ministry in view of the bureaucratic prejudices, and 
would prefer an appointment as Ministerial adviser in the Ministry 
of Foreign Affairs. The Imperial Councillorships thus vacant 
would be best filled by the appointment of men who possess the 
confidence of the country, are inspired by sentiments of loyalty 
and have practical experience of constitutional work or economic 
administration. I nominate Count Hegnenberg-Dux, Dingier for 
the Palatinate, Neuffer or Fikentscher for Regensburg. 

From the Journal. 

MUNICH, December 22, 1866. 

Yesterday evening at eleven o'clock Holnstein came to me 
and said that the King had arrived but was still wavering, as there 
was much opposition to me on the part of the Royal Family and 
especially King Ludwig. He says I am regarded as a traitor who 
would deliver up Bavaria to Prussia, &c. The matter is further 
delayed by uncertainty respecting Neumayr, whose resignation is 
practically certain. While we were still talking a messenger came 
from the King, bringing Neumayr's resignation to Holnstein.* 
Thus another obstacle is removed. Holnstein then wrote 
another note to Lutz, requesting an interview with him to-day 
upon the matter. 

The interview with Lutz has taken place. All the several 
points of the programme were discussed, and he asked for further 
information upon those respecting the Interior. He wished to 
know whether by the expression " strict subordination to the 
law, &c." I intended to make the executive further dependent 
upon the judicature, to restrict the executive, and to do this by 
proposing Bills. He had no objection to offer to the adminis- 
trative Court of Justice. Upon the questions concerning the 
independence of the judicature and the administration of justice, 
he asked whether any positive changes were proposed, which I 
denied, and confined myself to explaining that if a programme 
were to be published, it must include every branch of the 
administration and that this point could not therefore be 

* After his dismissal from the post of Minister of the Interior, in 
November 1865, Neumayr had been out of office. The "offer of resigna- 
tion" must therefore mean a request not to be called to office on the occasion 
of the approaching changes in the Ministry. 


As regards the maintenance of peace between the religious 
bodies, he asked whether I was inclined to make concessions to 
the Church and to make changes or improvements in its favour, 
to which I gave a general denial. I said that I considered an 
understanding with the Church highly desirable, especially upon 
the relationship of the Concordat to the Constitution. He con- 
sidered the legal regulation of the Ministerial Council dangerous, 
and especially any further proposals of a law of responsibility 
to the Chambers, considering that our object might be secured 
without this measure. 

Eventually we agreed that I should abandon any immediate 
alteration in the Ministry in order that individual Ministers 
might have an opportunity of justifying themselves against any 
attacks of the Chambers. He wished that even the Minister 
of Justice should remain. It was impossible, he considered, to 
do business with the King before Christmas. I might there- 
fore leave to-day but ought to be back on the evening of the 2 7th 
to be at the King's disposal on the 28th. 

On the evening of the 27th I returned to Munich and informed 
the new Ministerial Councillor von Lutz, who is the head of the 
King's Privy Council, of my return. He called upon me on the 
morning of the 28th and informed me that the King proposed to 
appoint me Minister of the Royal Household and of Foreign 
Affairs in place of Pfordten. He said that my appointment 
as Premier had also been discussed, and that he must there- 
fore ask whether definite assurances had been given through 
Count Holnstein. I replied that this had certainly been the 
case, but that I set little store by the title of Premier, as 
this title presupposed a Ministerial solidarity and a completely 
representative character in myself which was and would remain 
out of the question. I should therefore prefer to content myself 
with the Presidency of the Ministerial Council. We then had a 
long discussion upon precedence and considered the pros and 
cons of the question, whether I should reserve precedence for 
myself or not. I eventually resolved not to make precedence 
a condition of my entry. 

We then turned to consider the remaining points of the pro- 
gramme. As regards the relations with the ecclesiastical powers, 
he advised that this point should be omitted ; it might seem that 
we were ready to make concessions to the Ultramontane party, 
and this would immediately raise a storm. Upon other points the 
King requested me to formulate the main features of my political 
views in a special document, to state whether I was ready to 
submit every despatch to a Minister or to a foreign Govern- 
ment to the King's consideration, as Pfordten had done. I 
hastened to explain that I should be quite ready to guarantee 
this, as it could only be agreeable to me to be certain of the King's 
concurrence in every measure proposed. As regards diplomatic 
appointments he explained that the King would always be ready 



to agree to my proposals, but he pointed out to me that the 
Ministers were in close connection with the nobility, and that 
every Minister recalled would make a large addition to the number 
to my enemies (to this I am accustomed). 

After describing Neumayr's aims he explained his views on 
the question of the Cabinet and its relation to the Ministry. He 
considers it desirable that the King should take an active part 
in the business; he does not wish the King to be nothing more 
than a machine for signing his name, in the hands of his respon- 
sible Ministers, and wishes to guarantee this position for the King. 
In general he promised to act with me loyally and openly. He 
strongly advised that Donniges should not be employed in the 
Ministry ; he could only be useful in Switzerland, but not at any 
Court. He could not be employed in Florence on account of the 
bad impression that would be made in Rome, and his boorishness, 
&c., made him impossible at other Courts. On this point I could 
convince myself by the perusal of his despatches. 

The conversation turned upon the appointments to the seats 
in the Upper House; I suggested Hegnenberg, whose appoint- 
ment I desired. To this he could only object that in his opinion 
a popular man or a high legal authority should be appointed. 
He said that Hegnenberg's time was over. I replied that though 
a man might be past work in the Chamber of Deputies, he might 
yet be very useful in the Upper House and for that reason 
I should consider the appointment of Hegnenberg as valuable 
in itself and likely to make a good impression. He thought 
President Neumayr would be a better choice. He, however, 
cannot be spared from the Lower Chamber. Finally, I must 
mention the fact that I referred to the quarrel which had broken 
out a few years before in the two Chambers concerning the right 
of making propositions. I pointed out that my opinion was un- 
changed, and Lutz agreed that this point should be mentioned 
in the memorial intended for the King. He thought there was no 
need for me to mention Wagner, as he would not return in any 
case before spring. 

After the discussion I went to Tauffkirchen, who saw a pitfall 
in the request of Lutz for the abbreviation of the programme. 
He said that there was a rumour in the town that I was unfaithful 
to my principles, and that it would be therefore advisable to 
keep strictly to the document I had already issued, as otherwise it 
might be said that I had issued another programme. 

This I did, and then wrote the memorandum of December 29 for 
the King,* with a supplement in which I declared my readiness to 
submit the "decrees" to the King. Both documents were given 
to the Cabinet Secretary on the morning of the 2Qth. 

In the afternoon I called upon the Minister of the Interior,! 
to whom I explained the situation. He showed some embarrass- 

* The abstract of this document has not been preserved, 
f Freiherr von Pechmann. 

VOL. i N 


ment at first, and I could see that he had some feeling against me. 
I detailed to him the points of my programme. He informed 
me of his measures with reference to the Press and went on to 
observe that I should undoubtedly become President of the 
Ministerial Council, which would cause a difficulty, for the Presi- 
dent hitherto had always defended the Ministry as a whole 
against the attacks in the Chambers, and that this would now be 
impossible in the case of the Bills proposed. I gave him no 
answer, as I did not wish to inform him that I had asked the King 
for my appointment as President of the Ministerial Council. 

The Minister Gresser* received me with a somewhat appre- 
hensive and embarrassed manner. He- listened attentively to my 
communications, and explained to me the principles upon which he 
proposed to conduct the Ministry of Public Worship ; these were 
the utmost possible independence for the Church, wherever 
ecclesiastical matters were concerned, the improvement of edu- 
cation, the removal of school inspections from the exclusive pos- 
session of the clergy, &c. 

About seven o'clock I went to Pfretzschner,* whom I found 
in his office, and informed him of the object of my visit. He told 
me he had already learned my programme from Schlor. He 
admitted that he was especially anxious to know that my pro- 
gramme emphasised independence of Bavaria. He was opposed 
to entry into the North German Confederation and was very re- 
served upon the question of the South German Confederation. He 
agreed to the principles of alliance with Prussia and subordination 
to Prussian leadership in the event of war after the provision of 
certain guarantees. But he wished to see the freedom of Bavaria 
secured and also to conclude alliances elsewhere. He then 
referred to my speech and admitted that it had given occasion to 
different interpretations, and that it had aroused a certain appre- 
hension. The Bavarian party cannot believe that the Forward 
party is in earnest with its assertions that the independence of 
Bavaria shall not be infringed. 

He then turned to the question of the solidarity of the Ministers, 
saying that they had always adhered to Pfordten and had had 
one heart and one mind. If a change of Ministry implied a 
change of policy he would be forced to ask himself whether he 
could remain in office. I referred him to the wording of my pro- 
gramme and told him that Schlor and Lutz were already agreed 
upon it. He hinted that a new programme might be drawn up, but 
I told him that I had already submitted my principles to the King, 
so that the composition of a new document was impossible, and 
people were in any case reproaching me with changing my pro- 
gramme every day. 

To-day, Sunday the 3oth, Dr. Lang called upon me in the 
morning and gave me some interesting information concerning 
the constitution of the Press bureau; I informed him of my 
* Minister of Public Worship. f Minister of Finance. 


programme in a few words. He will make use of the information 
for his autograph correspondence. Marquardsen then arrived 
from Erlangen; I also informed him of my principles; he re- 
plied that he was in entire agreement, and thought it likely that 
his friends would assent. Then came Schanzenbach, who talked 
politics in his somewhat poetical fashion and spoke of Tauffkirchen 
as the most suitable Minister of the Interior. Tauffkirchen 
came to me in the evening in the hope of sending me off with 
several fleas in my ear. He began by saying that doubts had 
reappeared in the Cabinet, that people seemed disinclined to 
follow me and to expect that I should enable the King to 
postpone the constitution of the Ministry until after the 
Landtag. He then referred to the dangers which threatened 
me should I enter this Ministry, saying that I should wear 
myself out and that I had better take Volderndorff into the 
Ministry, since his own appointment as Ministerial Councillor 
would be regarded as evidence of my weakness, seeing that his 
share hi my programme was already known. I did not believe 
in the dangers which he thought would arise before me hi conse- 
quence of my entry into the existing Ministry, as public opinion 
of the Ministry is very diverse and the agitation against it 
is chiefly the work of Tauffkirchen; this agitation has been 
going on all summer, and ended hi the fall of von der 
Pfordten. However, I regarded the matter as sufficiently im- 
portant for a conversation with Lutz and called on him at ten 
o'clock in the evening. He said there was no question of any 
hesitancy on the part of the King with respect to myself. The 
delay in drawing up the documents was due merely to formal 
reasons ; he had spoken once more to the Ministers and had secured 
their assent to the programme; only Pfretzschner had proposed 
a common discussion, but he had been speedily crushed and every- 
thing was now in order. In the morning I should be asked to 
wait upon the King, and if I now retired I should place the King 
in the greatest embarrassment and expose myself to the reproach 
or suspicion that I had been intimidated by the Landtag at the 
last moment. I hastened to inform him that I had no intention 
of retiring, but that I had merely thought it advisable to hold 
myself ready in case the King hesitated to begin the definite 
formation of the Ministry. We therefore agreed to let the whole 
matter rest, and he promised me not to discuss it further even with 
the King. 

On the following day, December 31, Lutz came to me at 
half-past twelve and told me that the King wished to see me at 
one o'clock. I had barely time to get into a dress-coat and white 
tie and to drive to the Palace hi a cab, as no carriage was avail- 

The equerry conducted me to the King's room, the ordinary 
living-room. Here I found the King hi a black dress-coat with an 
Order. He received me very kindly, sat down on the sofa and 


invited me to take an arm-chair. I thanked him for the con- 
fidence he had placed in me. He then said he understood that 
I had not wished to be Premier. I replied that I had declined, for 
the reason that this post did not exist here, but that I should be 
very grateful if I could secure the Presidency to the Ministerial 
Council. He discussed the Ministers and said it would be better 
if I became Premier, "as then I could keep the other 
Ministers in better order," complained of the Ministers, spoke 
unfavourably of Pfretzschner, who was unstable, very favourably 
of Schlor, and fairly well 

Then he chanced to remember a conversation we had had on 
April 7, when I had advised him to adhere more closely to Prussia. 
After that we went on to speak of the war, of Prince Alexander 
of Hesse, of various other topics. He asked me about my cor- 
respondence with Queen Victoria, about the Prince of Wales, 
about Prince Albert, &c. There was also some talk of the Press. 
I said that, since things were discussed in the taverns, it made 
little difference whether the spoken word were also published in 
the petty newspapers. This led us to the question of beer- 
drinking, to the climate of Munich, to the life of the people in 
Munich, and much besides. I recommended to him Hegnenberg 
for the Upper House, spoke also of its extension and then said 
that as yet I should not come in Ministerial uniform. He thought 
it was quite unnecessary. I replied that I should regard myself 
as a functionary as soon as I had taken over the official duties, 
and also that I renounced my rank. This he would not permit, 
assuring me that he would cause the necessary orders to be 
given to the Chamberlain's office. I accepted this with thanks. 
He then said he hoped to have a longer talk with me later, and 
allowed me to take my leave. 

I have since heard that he was greatly pleased with our 
interesting conversation. I must add, too, that another matter 
he alluded to was his grandfather and his uncle being opposed 
to me, but he told me that he had not allowed himself to be 
shaken. I expressed my admiration for his firmness of character. 
I also explained to him why his father was so distrustful of me. 

The Prince's appointment as Minister of the Royal House 
and of Foreign Affairs and President of the Council of Ministers 
took place on December 31, 1866. 






Memorandum of January 4, 1867. 

Results of the discussion in to-day's Cabinet. 

After I had explained the reasons which prompted me to move 
that the Bill* should not yet be debated, but should first be 
referred to the Governments of Wurtemberg, Hesse, and Baden, 
with the request that they would intimate whether they were in 
favour of arranging joint conferences of the Ministers of Foreign 
Affairs and of War, to discuss the question whether a common, 
homogeneous scheme of Army reorganisation should be intro- 
duced in these States, the objection was made by the Minister 
of War that he wished to bring the debate on the Bill to an end as 
soon as possible. This, however, could not be done during the 
present session unless the debate were proceeded with immediately 
in the Council of Ministers, the Council of State and the Chamber. 
He must be ready by 1868, and if he could not begin in the spring, 
he could not be ready by that time. Schlor said it would be 
no use, the Wiirtembergers had another idea. Meanwhile, he 
admitted that we might try the experiment. Finally, the Council 
agreed in the opinion that the discussion of the Bill should be 
begun in the Council of Ministers. In the meantime I could 
address the necessary inquiries to the Governments concerned. 

The negotiations with the South German Governments were 
opened by a despatch to the Bavarian Legations of January 9, 
and led to an agreement with Wurtemberg of January 18, 
according to which Freiherr von Varnbiiler was to invite the 
four southern States to a conference at Stuttgart on February 3. 
An agreement fixed the objects, with respect to which joint 
action was to be aimed at, and by a " secret convention" Bavaria 
and Wurtemberg agreed not to let themselves be deterred by 
any opposition from Baden or Hesse at the conference, but 
mutually to introduce the regulations as to which unanimity 
might not be attained. In regard to the South German fortresses 

* On the reorganisation of the Army. 


this secret convention provided that Baden should be induced 
to keep up Rastatt, while Bavaria and Wurtemberg would 
maintain and govern Ulm and Neu-Ulm as a joint place of arms. 

Conformably to the agreement the invitations to Stuttgart 
were issued by the Government of Wurtemberg. 

Meanwhile, the debates of the Chamber of Deputies on the 
Address to the King gave the Prince his first opportunity of a 
public declaration of the aims of his German policy. 

Speech in the Chamber of Deputies on January 19, 1867. 

Gentlemen, The motion before you furnishes me with the 
opportunity I desired of defining the position which the Govern- 
ment intends to take up on the German question. 

I shall endeavour to do this as plainly as possible. 

Since the dissolution of the German Confederation and with 
the secession of Austria from Germany, the position of the Central 
German States has been completely changed and has become 
undeniably more perilous. 

I shall forbear to throw a retrospective glance upon the 
Bavarian policy of the last few years or to inquire whether 
Bavaria was offered the means and opportunity of obviating this 
dangerous turn of affairs. 

Practical politics are directed to the facts of the present; 
the past can be left to the judgment of history. 

Gentlemen, I have, on several occasions, had the opportunity 
of expressing myself upon the subject of the relations of Bavaria 
with Germany, and I have always done so with the greatest frank- 
ness. To-day I define once more the goal of Bavarian policy to 
be the maintenance of Germany, the union of all the German 
peoples, and, in so far as this may not be possible, of the 
greater number of them, in one Confederation, protected from 
without by a powerful Central Government, and within by a 
Parliamentary Constitution, with concomitant preservation of 
the integrity of the Bavarian State and Crown. 

If now, gentlemen, I acknowledge this Confederation as the 
goal of Bavarian politics, still I must not shut my eyes to the 
perception that such a goal is not to be attained immediately. 

At the conclusion of the Treaty of Prague, Prussia was required 
in the formation of a closer confederation to confine herself to 
the north of the line of the Main, and, by signing the treaty of 
peace, she has acknowledged this limitation as binding. You may 
regret these facts, but you cannot contest the consequences that 
are attached to them. 

It follows from this that Prussia is obliged to repel any 
attempt on the part of the South German States to enter into the 
North German Confederation. 

It further follows that this Government cannot attempt to 


enter into negotiations for the union of Bavaria with the North 
German Confederation. 

I must, moreover, declare just as frankly that the development 
of North German federal relations, in its present form, shows such 
a marked tendency towards the creation of a single State, that I 
should not consider it consistent with the dignity of the country 
or the duties of the Government to seek for unconditional in- 
clusion in this North German Confederation. I, at least, would 
not give my vote for such unconditional inclusion, nor would I 
undertake the responsibility for it. 

I do not believe, either, that the formation of the North German 
Confederation would be delayed by any consideration for South 
Germany. Nor would its promoters be at all likely at the present 
moment to modify the character of the North German Confedera- 
tion in order to favour the entry of the South German States. 

We must not shut our eyes to the fact that the progress of 
Germany on the road to unity is but a slow one. 

But if I now recognise the difficulties that stand in the way 
of the organic reunion of the German race, I am, nevertheless, 
firmly resolved to oppose every step that might hinder the 
attainment of the goal I have pointed out. 

Gentlemen, the Government will not form a South- West German 
Confederation under the protection of a non- German Power. 
Such an alliance in the second half of the nineteenth century is 
simply an impossibility. Nor would it suit the position of Bavaria 
any better to enter a constitutional league of South German States 
under the leadership of Austria. If I apprehend aright the course 
of development of internal affairs in Austria, it appears to me 
that the German element is falling more and more into the back- 
ground and that the Government is seeking support among the 
non- German elements of the Monarchy. 

A constitutional league with an Austria so placed seems neither 
desirable nor feasible. 

On the other hand, I should rejoice to see the Austrian 
Monarchy emerge strengthened and invigorated from the internal 
struggles in which it is involved, so that it might fulfil its civilising 
mission as the Power of the eastern frontier. I shall strive to effect 
the maintenance and promotion of friendly relations between 
Bavaria and Austria. 

Gentlemen, another reason why the Government will not lend 
a hand in the formation of a compact South-West German 
Confederate State is that an agreement between the Governments 
and peoples on this matter is certainly unattainable, and that 
such a Federal State would further widen the breach between 
South and North Germany. 

But although I have declared that the Government contem- 
plated no step that would remove us from the aim of a common 
German policy, I must not confine myself to this negative stand- 
point. This would be to proclaim a policy of isolation. As a 


state of the second-class Bavaria cannot exist without an alliance 
with one of the European Great Powers. We need such support 
especially at the present moment, when the constitution of the 
German Confederation has been torn up and the possibility of 
European conflicts cannot be denied. But the Great Power to 
which Bavaria must attach herself, and whose ally she must openly 
declare herself to be in case of a foreign war, is Prussia. 

This alliance, to secure which is one of the tasks of the Bavarian 
Government, involves as a result that Bavaria, in return for a defi- 
nite guarantee of the sovereignty of her King, will place herself 
under the leadership of Prussia in the event of a war with a foreign 
Power. It involves also the obligation that the Bavarian Army 
shall be organised in such a way as to render possible its participa- 
tion in such a war. This alliance will gain in value if it has for its 
effect not only to increase the military power of Bavaria, but at the 
same time to determine the other States of South- West Germany to 
undertake a correspondingly powerful military organisation. The 
Government is exerting itself to bring about this agreement and 
thereby to further the drawing together of South and North 
Germany, preserving, however, at the same time our independence, 
as far as in us lies, from any desires of annexation, from whatever 
quarter they may come. 

Permit me now, gentlemen, to conclude by once more summing 
up in a few words the task of Bavarian policy. It is to prepare the 
way for a constitutional league with the other States of Germany, 
so soon and so far as this is possible, while preserving the 
sovereign rights of Bavaria and the independence of the country. 
Meanwhile we shall await the attainment of this goal, the creation 
of a Power that shall command respect, not through the organisa- 
tion of the Army alone, but also through the improvement of our 
internal conditions on liberal lines, through the raising of our 
self-respect and confidence in our own national existence. 

If we are successful in this task, then our alliance will be sought. 
We shall not be obliged to look anxiously about for shelter, and 
we shall be able to obtain a solution of the important question 
of the reorganisation of the Zollverein, worthy of the dignity and 
interests of the country. 

Extract from a letter oj FREIHERR VON ROGGENBACH 
to the PRINCE. 

NEUWIED, January 24, 1867. 

. . . Whoever has had to deal, as I have, for six long years 
with the political and moral confusion which Herren von Beust and 
von der Pfordten have brought about in the poor heads of our 
South German countrymen by their State papers, their agents, and 
their organs in the Press, and whoever is not blind to the 
dangers which this Babel of tongues is preparing for the continu- 
ance and future of our people and for the development of the 


German State, must welcome your utterance with the most sincere 
and heartfelt joy. It tells me that so considerable a State as 
Bavaria and so important an element in the European system as 
South Germany has at last returned to the influence of an intelli- 
gent and honourable, single-minded and cautious leadership, and 
that the dark powers are now swept away, which for years have 
been trying to fan a flame which they hoped would consume 
Prussia and the healthy development of German civilisation, but 
which has now finally devoured themselves and their evil devices. 


MUNICH, January 25, 1867. 

Reuss* read to me a despatch from Bismarck, which ex- 
pressed the satisfaction of the Prussian Government with my 
declaration in the Chamber. To this, Bismarck appends some 
remarks on Army organisation and finance, which Reuss is to 
submit to me, in order to have them technically answered. 

In respect to the German question, the despatch said that 
the South Germans were deceiving themselves, if they thought 
Prussia desired confederation with the South on the same basis 
as in the North. There they were forced into a closer union from 
regard for their own safety. As far as the South was concerned, 
Prussia would be content if she had a guarantee that the South 
would not lean upon foreign Powers, and if the mutual pro- 
tection and care of material interests were assured, Prussia 
would go as far as Bavaria desired in the fusion of the South 
with the North. If the South was not willing to limit its autonomy 
in the same way as the North, then she was prepared to enter 
into negotiations on a broader basis. 

Upon the question of how I conceived the constitution, and, in 
particular, the limitation of autonomy, I reserved myself for 
further pronouncement. He declared himself ready to ask his 
Government whether I might read its despatch to the King, 
which I considered to be necessary. 

On February 3 the Stuttgart Conferences were opened under 
the presidentship of Freiherr von Varnbiiler. Besides the four 
Ministers for Foreign Affairs, the Ministers of War and several 
Commissioners took part in the proceedings. 

In the opening discussion Minister von Freydorf of Baden, 
said he desired that clear expression should be given to the desire 
for the unification of Germany which had doubtless been the main 
inspiration of the proposed joint measures and which, in the 
opinion of the Government of Baden, urgently demanded a frank 
adherence to the Prussian military constitution. He, therefore, 
proposed a resolution in the following terms : 

''The assembled representatives of the four South German 

* Prince Reuss, at that time Prussian Minister at Munich. 


Governments recognise it as a national necessity to regulate the 
military forces of their countries according to the principles 
of the Prussian military constitution, so that in case of war 
they may be available as component parts of a German 

Prince Hohenlohe in reply said that the motion of Baden 
might easily lead to misconception, especially as the proposed 
wording did not exactly correspond to the actual state of Ger- 
many's political relations. The rest of the debates were 
chiefly concerned with the question how far adherence to the 
Prussian military system should be carried. After consultations 
between the War Ministers a final protocol was agreed upon, which 
had the approval of all the members of the conference. The 
Minister of Baden then added the following declaration to the 
protocol, with reference to his repeated utterances in the course 
of the verbal proceedings on the position which his Government 
considered itself obliged to take up on the question of the adjust- 
ment of German constitutional relations, especially with regard 
to the North German Confederation about to be formed : 

"The Government of the Grand Duchy of Baden is of the 
opinion that the stipulations here drawn up do not stand in the 
way of possible military agreements on the part of the Grand 
Duchy with the Kingdom of Prussia, or with the North 
German States, and reserves to itself, according to circumstances, 
the right of making such agreements." 

The Hessian Minister, von Dalwigk, thereupon announced 
" that he, too, considering the peculiar position which the Hessian 
Government would have to occupy in the presence of a North 
German Confederation, would feel obliged to accompany the assent 
of his Government to the resolutions by a reservation, in the same 
terms as that made by the Government of the Grand Duchy 
of Baden." 

The final protocol,* signed on February 5, begins with the 
declaration that the assembled delegates recognise it as a national 
necessity to increase and organise the military forces of their 
countries, so that they may be capable of joint action that shall 
command respect. They agree, therefore, to an increase of their 
military forces as far as possible, and to a system modelled on 
the principles of that of Prussia. As such principles the follow- 
ing are laid down : universal compulsory service, the three years* 
term, the division of compulsory service into service in the Stand- 
ing Army, liability for the Reserve, and liability for the 
Landwehr. The objects are a homogeneous organisation, to fit 
the army for joint action, similar tactical units, the greatest possi- 
ble agreement in regulations, arms, and ammunition, common 
manoeuvres and uniform training of officers. "With regard to 
the fortresses of Ulm and Rastatt," concludes the protocol, " a 
decision will be deferred until the conclusion of the negotia- 
* Printed in Aegidi and Klauhold, Das Staatsarchiv, vol. xii. No. 2733. 


tions for liquidation, which are to be expedited as far as 
possible." * 

Immediately after the Stuttgart Conference, on February 6, 
1867, the Prince had an interview at Miihlacker with the Grand 
Duke Friedrich of Baden. He wrote to the Grand Duke : 

MUNICH, February 19, 1867. 

Your Royal Highness gave me permission to address you 
directly by letter, if it seemed necessary to make any further 
communication on the political questions we discussed at 
Muhlacker. At the present moment, when the North German 
Reichstag is about to open, it appears urgently necessary 
for the South German Governments to come to an understand- 
ing upon the position they are to take up with reference to the 
resolutions of the North German Parliament. It may be fore- 
seen that on the conclusion of the deliberations, if these lead to a 
satisfactory result, the question will be put to us, in what 
way we wish to regulate our relations to the North German Con- 

In this connection the following points might be raised : 

(1) The Maintenance of the sovereignty of the individual 


(2) The Strengthening of Germany in order to repel dan- 

ger from without. 

(3) The Satisfaction of the people's national aspirations. 

(4) The Facilities of access to German Austria. 

I believe it would be advisable for the South German States 
of Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, Baden, and (as far as possible) Hesse 
to act in unison on the following basis : 

(1) We make an offer to Prussia and the North German Con- 
federation to enter into an indissoluble league. 

(2) Prussia to have the presidency and the chief command in 

(3) The four States to enter the Federal Council, Bavaria with 
six votes, Wiirtemberg with four, Baden with three, and Hesse 
with two. The Federr.J Council, thus extended, to conduct the 
affairs of the league and to settle disputes among its members. 

* Article VII. of the Peace of Prague stipulated that a commission 
should assemble at Frankfort-on-the-Main to which all claims against the 
late German Confederation should be presented for settlement. Austria 
and Prussia wished to be represented on this commission. All the other 
States of the former Confederation had the same privilege. Article VIII. 
gave Austria the right to remove from the fortresses of the late Confedera- 
tion the Imperial property and the Austrian share of the movable federal 
property, or otherwise to dispose of it. This "Commission of Liquidation" 
met in the autumn of 1866, and by the summer of 1867 had carried 
its work so far that Austria and Holland, the latter for Luxembourg and 
Limburg, had had their claims paid off in money. The claims of the 
other States had also been fixed by the auditors. It was resolved, how- 
ever, not to proceed to an actual division, but rather to adjourn the final settle- 
ment of the question. 


(4) To be established by treaty: rights of citizenship 
and naturalisation for the whole of Germany; the German 
Zollverein; identical weights, measures, and coinage; the laws 
of banking; similar legal procedure; similar arrangements in 
the matter of railways, telegraphs, posts, and shipping. 

(5) The common arrangements provided for under (4) will be 
regulated on the initiative of the Federal Council, and, so far as 
legislation may be required, they shall be dealt with on the lines 
of the laws relating to exchange and commerce. The legislature 
will be: in the North the Reichstag of the North German Con- 
federation ; in the South, the Chambers of the four States. Regard- 
ing the military constitution, Prussia recognises the conclusions 
of the Stuttgart Conference. 

(6) The South contributes a share, to be fixed by agreement, 
towards the Navy of the Confederation, and towards the repre- 
sentation of its commercial interests by the Consular Service. 

(7) The share of the cost and of the garrisoning of the for- 
tresses and harbours of the League will likewise be regulated in 
principle by agreement and fixed by the Bundesrath. 

(8) A condition of the compact is the simultaneous con- 
clusion of an alliance of the whole of Germany with Austria, by 
which the integrity of German territory shall be mutually 
guaranteed, while, jby a modification of the Peace of Prague, 
the German Confederation shall be recognised by Austria. 

I lay the more stress on the last point, since, with the influence 
of Austria making itself more and more felt here, a favourable 
disposition and assent to the conclusion of a confederate agree- 
ment with Prussia is only to be gained if, at the same time, 
in the alliance, compensation can be offered to Austria for the 
diminution of her influence in South Germany through the crea- 
tion of a confederation of the Southern States with the North. 
In permitting myself to lay this sketch before your Royal High- 
ness, I beg you for an expression of opinion on it and an intima- 
tion whether your Royal Highness desires a detailed exposition. 
I should be particularly grateful for the favour of an early answer, 
for the reason that I am expecting to receive overtures from 
Stuttgart in the next few days, to which I will not reply before 
I know the views of your Royal Highness. 

In conclusion, I beg to observe that the document ratifying 
the results of the Stuttgart Conference is now before his Majesty 
the King, and will be sent off shortly. I venture to recommend 
that the exchange of ratifications may graciously be made as soon 
as possible after the arrival of our document in Karlsruhe, since 
the publication of the results of the Conference appears to me 
desirable in the interests of all. 

On the reception given in Berlin to the Prince's first public 
declarations, Prince Reuss, hitherto Prussian Minister at Munich, 
wrote to him : 


BERLIN, February 20, 1867. 

I arrived here yesterday morning and saw Count Bismarck 
at once, and had much to tell him about Munich and about you. 
I need not tell you that he entertains the best wishes for the success 
of your Ministry, and will do everything in his power to support 
you. I mentioned to him your wish with regard to an eventual 
avowal of the existence of the secret agreement.* Count Bis- 
marck realised that it would be agreeable to you and also to the 
Government of Wurtemberg, and advantageous to your position 
in the country, if you could avow the secret treaty. He has no 
objection to this being done, and would only wait until the 
uproar in the French Chamber has quieted down a little. 
Perhaps, therefore, until after the interpellations on the Emperor's 
foreign policy.f Then he thinks it would be well to prepare the 
way for it by means of apparent indiscretions in the newspapers; 
he would, however, be glad to know your views, in case you should 
wish the publication made in another way.J He directed me 
to write to you and to tell you at the same time that, whenever 
you might find it necessary to address him directly upon this or 
any other matter, he would be quite ready to open a direct private 
correspondence. He has complete confidence hi Werthern, 
but thinks that, before the latter should be admitted to similar 
confidence where you are concerned, it would, perhaps, be more 
agreeable to you to communicate through him (Bismarck). 
Montgelas 1 1 he described as a good man of business and an honour- 
able man, but thought that that was the limit of his qualifications, 
and that it was not easy to enter upon more intimate affairs with 

In the same spirit the Duke of Ratibor wrote to the Prince : 

BERLIN, March 3, 1867. 

This evening I was at a ball at Puttbus's, and there had an 
opportunity of speaking to Bismarck. He began to talk about 
you of his own accord, as he stood at the buffet, and drank 
a glass of champagne to your health, and to the success of your 
endeavours. I told him you had written to me, and he under- 
stands perfectly well that you have to go carefully to work down 
there. Here, he said, nothing more would be asked of Bavaria 
than she was willing to give, if one could not get a thaler one 

*The offensive and defensive alliance concluded simultaneously with 
the treaty of peace. 

f The debate in the French Chamber on foreign policy took place on 
March 14-18. 

% The publication of the offensive and defensive alliance followed 
on March 19, 1867, immediately after the first debate in the North German 
Reichstag, which concerned Luxembourg. Sybel, Begrundung des Deutschen 
Reichs, vol. vi. p. 58. 

Prussian Minister at Munich. 

II Bavarian Minister in Berlin. 


would take a groschen. There would be no compulsion at all. 
The material interests of South Germany this for the benefit of 
your adversaries down there rendered a treaty with the North 
German Confederation necessary; without that even the Zoll- 
verein would be endangered, and thereby the whole prosperity 
of those countries would be at stake. This cannot be repeated 
too often to the people of the South. He recommends prudence 
and no precipitation. He takes the greatest interest in all that 
happens at Munich. 

The Queen expressed herself yesterday in the same sense and 
sends you many greetings. Field-marshal Wrangel also asked 
me to congratulate you on the results you have achieved hitherto, 
he has the best hopes for the future and sends his kind regards. 
Herr von Vincke, too, spoke to me about you, and was pleased 
with the way things were going. You see that all parties here are 
for you. Bismarck also considers the leadership of Bavaria 
among the South German States as a matter of course, and has 
rejected every proposal from Wiirtemberg and Baden, which was 
not made in conjunction with Bavaria. 


KARLSRUHE, March 4, 1867. 

Accept my best thanks for your two letters of February 19 and 
20, from which I gathered with great satisfaction that our con- 
versation at Miihlacker would be the beginning of a confidential 
intercourse, the value of which I fully appreciate. 

We discussed the movement for a closer union of the South 
with the North of Germany, and in this connection we have 
already spoken of the different stages of development through 
which we think the work of union will be accomplished. 

I have consequently welcomed your proposals with sincere 
thanks, as a highly valuable attempt to give effect to these aspira- 
tions, and I shall now try, after a thorough examination of the 
question, to give you my views on it in brief. 

Speaking generally, I am quite ready to enter into further 
negotiations upon your proposals, but should be very glad to re- 
ceive from you more detailed information, in order to learn more 
closely the extent and significance of certain points. 

The four fundamental ideas of your proposals I take to be 
the expression of the difficulties and prejudices to be overcome 
in the South German States. I recognise therein the points 
which you are obliged to treat with circumspection, in order to 
bring about a state of transition which may prepare the way for 
a more intimate union with the North. On the other hand, I do 
not fail to appreciate the difficulty of so combining these four 
principles that they may be made acceptable to the steadily con- 
solidating North German Confederation. 


The first of the eight points in which you discern the founda- 
tion for concerted action of the South German States de- 
fines the relation to North Germany as an indissoluble 
league, and, in fact, as a broader league in contradistinction to 
the closer league of North Germany. This idea is sufficient to 
make all the other points appear more or less subordinate, in 
so far as they depend upon a union with Prussia. I shall, there- 
fore, not stop to-day to enter into details, but will only recom- 
mend two questions to your kind consideration. 

The class of legisktion for which it is indispensable to obtain 
complete uniformity throughout Germany is to be found chiefly 
in the domain of material interests. Here, no doubt, the question 
of the Zollverein will furnish the most convenient means of solv- 
ing the difficulty which at present consists in the want of an assem- 
bly of all the German States in a common Reichstag. Con- 
fidential communications from Berlin tell us that the admission of 
delegates from the South German Governments to the Federal 
Council, and of South German Deputies to the North German 
Reichstag for tariff matters, and therewith the transformation of 
the latter body into a Tariff Parliament, may be expected as a 
possibly imminent first step towards a closer union of North and 
South. Once a beginning were made in this way, it would, 
doubtless, soon be extended so as to cover other spheres. All the 
difficult questions of legislation would thus find their solution in a 
natural and practical way, and it might indeed be good policy 
to prepare the way for these solutions by a proposal directed to 
that end. 

The prospect of the participation of the South German Gov- 
ernments and popular representatives in the corresponding organs 
of the North German Confederation, and in particular the pros- 
pect of the formation of a Tariff Parliament, would, I presume, 
cause a modification in the fourth clause of your proposals, since 
what you proposed should be settled by treaties could now be 
obtained in part by means of legislation. 

Supposing, however, that a treaty of alliance is to be concluded 
between the several South German States and the North German 
Confederation, which shall follow the lines of the former German 
Act of Confederacy, I ask myself whether it were not more advisable 
to keep as closely as possible to this old treaty of confederacy, and 
thereafter, to endeavour to bring to maturity the germs in it 
which are capable of development. Little as was the good 
this old institution was able to accomplish in the course of its 
long existence, since it provided no remedy for the rivalry of two 
Great Powers in the same league, yet the basis seems now to be 
furnished upon which the most important constituent parts of 
the old federal constitution may be founded. This basis is the 
Peace of Prague, the end of the protracted dualism, so injurious 
to Germany. 

Article IV. of the Peace of Prague gives a prospect of a national 



union of the South German States with the North German Con- 
federation. Austria recognises by anticipation this broader league 
in its new form. 

This is the second point which I would specially deal with, 
viz., No. 8 of your proposals. 

Having regard to the steadily growing Austrian influence in 
Munich, you consider it imperative, in order to gain the assent of 
Bavaria to the conclusion of a treaty of confederacy with Prussia, 
that Austria should be offered an alliance with Germany as com- 
pensation for the diminution of her influence in South Germany, 
owing to the formation of a league between the South and the 

I can easily imagine how difficult it must be for you to deal 
with the Austrian sympathies in certain high quarters and to repre- 
sent in opposition to them the new spirit created by the Peace of 
Prague. I will also willingly admit that certain prejudices can 
only be combated by being treated with the greatest possible for- 
bearance. Hence, I am quite prepared also to discuss further 
with you this most important point of your proposals, although 
I could not favour such a condition of the conclusion of a treaty 
with Prussia. I should like, however, to prove to you in every 
way that it is my earnest desire to support you, so far as I can, in 
your splendid but difficult task. 

My reasons against the proposal for such an alliance of the 
whole of Germany with Austria under the circumstances specified 
are of various kinds. 

In the first place, it seems to me necessary to know whether 
Prussia is disposed to accept such a condition, lest through her 
refusal the desired understanding should be prevented. I cannot 
believe that Prussia would be disposed to modify the Peace of 
Prague in one of its most important points, and thereby to bring 
about a European question which this very treaty is intended to 
obviate, since it recognises a national union of South and North 
Germany as a matter of internal politics. 

I do not consider a guarantee of Austria's German territory 
to be advisable, so long as the development of that Empire is 
hindered by a struggle of the most pernicious kind, which is 
always accompanied by the danger of disturbing Germany 
in her own internal development or involving her in external 

It might therefore be preferable to await the consolidation of 
the Austrian Empire before Germany undertakes an obligation 
the fulfilment of which might be perhaps scarcely practicable. 

Finally, I venture to express a doubt whether it can be in the 
interests of Bavaria to appear in the face of Prussia as the 
champion of Austrian interests, before Austria herself has intimated 
such a wish. 

In these circumstances might it not be more proper to offer 
a prospect of the regulation of the relations of United Germany 


to Austria in the Treaty of Confederacy, as is done in 
the draft Constitution of the North German Confederation with 
respect to the South German States? 

This form is far more acceptable for all parties, and it should 
answer sufficiently the interests which you seek to consider. 

I certainly consider the elaboration of all such proposals to be 
desirable, so as to be prepared for the time when the constitutional 
labours of the North German Confederation shall have reached 
their conclusion. Inasmuch, however, as the position of affairs 
has considerably altered since our conversation at Miihlacker, 
owing to decisive utterances in Paris and Berlin which have shed 
quite a new light on many questions, it appears to me desirable 
that in view of this position of affairs we should for the present 
adopt a waiting attitude. 

The proceedings of the Reichstag in Berlin and the whole de- 
velopment of the North German Confederation must before long 
afford us a definite basis for the form and substance of the union 
we desire. It will then be easy for us to secure this basis and 
make it more effective. 

Meanwhile I believe you will agree with me when I describe 
the federal relation with Prussia, which is at present aimed at, as 
a state of transition, which will eventually lead to the whole Ger- 
man territory being covered by one constitution. I shall receive 
your further communications with the greatest interest and with 
sincere gratitude. 

On receipt of this letter the Prince sent the Ministerial Councillor 
Count Tauffkirchen to Karlsruhe, to explain further the views of 
the Bavarian Government to the Grand Duke. After the return 
of Count Tauffkirchen he wrote to the Grand Duke: 

MUNICH, March 14, 1867. 

I beg to express to your Royal Highness my most dutiful 
thanks for your gracious letter of the 4th inst. as well as for the 
gracious reception which your Royal Highness was pleased to 
grant Count Tauffkirchen. 

Your Royal Highness's letter and the report of Count Tauff- 
kirchen have given me a new proof of the kind favour with which 
your Royal Highness honours me, and they afford me at the same 
time evidence of such a general agreement of views that my hope 
of a profitable co-operation of the South- West German States in 
the German question has received new life. 

Before, however, I touch more nearly upon the questions dis- 
cussed, I beg your Royal Highness to permit me to preface 
my remarks by the assurance that the observations made in my 
letter of February 19, about paving the way for friendly relations 
with Austria, were in no way due to influence of the Court of 
Vienna or of the Austrian party existing here, but were the 
expression of my own firm conviction, according to which an 


alliance between Germany and Austria appears to be the fittest 
means of obviating European complications and preserving peace, 
which is no less urgently needed by the South- West German States 
than by Austria. 

If I now sum up the result up to the present of our exchange 
of ideas, then I think I may define my standpoint, which indeed 
till now has been only a strictly personal view, in the following 

The time is close at hand when, hastening the conclusion of 
the North German Confederation, the Prussian Government, in 
accordance with Article LXXL* of the draft Constitution, will de- 
mand the regulation by treaty of its relations to South Germany. 
It is urgently to be desired that at such a juncture an agreement 
of the South- West German States upon the attitude they shall 
take up in this question may have been attained as far as pos- 

This agreement can be prepared without delay, if the basis 
on which it rests is independent of the modifications, which the 
deliberations of Parliament may introduce into the draft of the 
North German Constitution. 

The basis of constitutional law upon which alone we can move 
freely and correctly and be exempt from all limitations, is Article 
IV. of the Peace of Prague. This permits the formation of a 
League of German States (Staatenbund) with the exclusion of 
Austria, on the plan of the German Act of Confederacy of June 
8, 1815, with the modifications rendered necessary by the altered 
conditions of the time, while at present the admissibility of a closer 
union with the North, taking the form of a Federal State, and 
especially of a joint legislative body, seems doubtful according 
to the final words of the Article in question. 

With the double purpose (i) of removing these doubts and 
thereby being in a position to give voice to the legitimate aspira- 
tions of the nation, and (2) of obviating the danger of a disturb- 
ance of the peace of central Europe, it would be well to prepare 
the way at the same time for an alliance with Austria, and to do 
this in a manner sinfilar to that adopted in Article LXXI. of the 
draft Constitution of the North German Confederation with refer- 
ence to the regulation of relations with South Germany. 

Not until after the conclusion of such an alliance shall we 
be able to proceed to the consolidation of the German Constitution 
with a central Government and Parliament. 

* Article LXXI. of the draft read as follows: "The relations of the 
Confederation to the South German States shall be regulated immediately 
after the establishment of the Constitution of the North German Confederation 
by means of special agreements, such agreements to be laid before the 
Reichstag for approval." On the motion of Lasker and Miquel the following 
clause was added to the Article by resolution of the Reichstag of April 10: 
"The admission of the South German States, or of one of them, into the 
Confederation shall be effected by means of Federal legislation on the pro- 
posal of the Presidency of the Confederation." 


In this connection I think I may formulate my ideas in the fol- 
lowing four propositions : 

(1) Bavaria, Wurtemberg, Baden, and South Hesse associate 
themselves in a joint proposal to the North German Confedera- 
tion for the establishment of a League of States on the pattern of 
the former German Confederation, with the exclusion of Austria. 

(2) The Act of Confederacy of June 8, 1815, is to form the 
basis of the deliberations upon this joint proposal, and is only to 
be so far modified as may be rendered necessary by the altered 
situation due to the secession of Austria, the transference of the 
Presidency to Prussia and the preservation of the Zollverein. 

(3) To this new Treaty of Confederacy there is to be added an 
Article preparing the way for an alliance with Austria, in terms 
similar to those of Article LXXI. of the Constitution of the North 
German Confederation. 

(4) The development of this constitutional fabric into 
a Federal State with a Parliamentary constitution is to be re- 

I shall not undertake to-day to formulate the modifications 
which appear to me necessary in the Act of Confederacy, as I am 
awaiting the proposals which the Minister of State, Herr Mathy, 
was kind enough to promise Count Tauffkirchen, and which I look 
forward to with lively interest. 

With reference to the way in which the four States are to com- 
bine for this joint application to the North German Confederation, 
I will to-day only say this, that the calling together of a South 
German Parliament to this end does not seem to me desirable, 
on the contrary, the more privately the work of combination can 
be carried on, the better prospect there will be of its being ex- 
empt from disturbing influences. 

Your Royal Highness touched upon the question with Count 
Tauffkirchen whether an attempt should not be made to ascertain 
the views of Count Bismarck on the subject of an Alliance with 
Austria. The present condition of the Eastern question obviously 
imposes upon him the greatest reserve in this connection, and per- 
haps on this account it would be preferable to keep the whole of 
the plan which I have just formulated a complete secret for the 
present, and at least until Bavaria, Wurtemberg, and Baden have 
arrived at an agreement on its main points. 

The Grand Duke thanked the Prince for this letter by return, 
on March 16. As he was on the point of leaving for Berlin, he post- 
poned the continuation of the essential negotiations until his return 
from this journey. While in Berlin he wished, without com- 
municating the Prince's project to Count Bismarck, to endeavour 
to ascertain the latter's views on the development of rela- 
tions with South Germany. "As however," the Grand Duke 
continued, "I do not wish too long a time to elapse without 
informing you of my opinion of your last letter, I shall afford you 


a verbal opportunity of learning my views. Dr. Gelzer, Coun- 
cillor of State, has undertaken to visit Munich, where he will prob- 
ably arrive on Tuesday the igth. He is an old, intimate, and 
well-tried friend of mine. The implicit confidence which I have 
in him on this account allows me to extend the same confidence to 
the most various affairs of life, and hence he has been exactly 
informed of your proposals and letters as well as of my views. 
It would give me much pleasure if you would have the kindness 
to put the same confidence in Herr Gelzer, and to give him an 
opportunity to state my views as well as his own. I therefore 
recommend him most particularly to your kindness." Gel- 
zer's name had been known to the Prince from his youth 
when his religious writings were especially esteemed by the Prince's 
mother.* The choice of this man for verbal negotiations 
on the German question was therefore peculiarly welcome to 
the Prince, and on Gelzer' s arrival at Munich on March 2 1 con- 
versations took place between him and the Prince which led to 
a complete understanding. At the same time the Wiirtemberg 
Minister, Freiherr von Varnbuler, was also present in Munich for 
a similar purpose. 


March 12, 1867. 

Wagner having called on me the day before yesterday, but 
having subsequently excused himself on account of illness, I wrote 
to him to-day, asking him to come to me this evening. He came 
at half-past six. At first he was somewhat embarrassed, spoke of 
indifferent things and excused himself, saying that he really had 
no right to come to me at all. I put him in a more comfortable 
frame of mind by saying that we had two points in common, we 
were both hated by the same party and we were united in equal 
veneration for the King. Thereupon he became more communi- 
cative, spoke about the way in which the King had been treated and 
so tormented that he had twice written to him that he would 
abdicate ; and told me, amid protestations of not wishing to take 
credit to himself, that it was he who had recommended me to the 
King as Minister. Then he came to the task of Bavaria as a Ger- 
man State, whose population united the versatility of Franconia with 
the imagination of Swabia and the native strength of Bavaria ; said 
that the King was just the man to rule this German State and to 
realise the ideal of the German spirit (Deutschtum) ; went on to 
speak of his artistic aims, of his experiences in this country, of 
his plans for the establishment of a school of art, of the obstacles 
that had been put in his way, and came finally to the Cabinet. 
Among other things he spoke of the necessity of my remaining in 
the Ministry. To which I replied that this did not depend upon 
myself ; that I could not guarantee that attempts would not be 

*See p. 33. 


made to undermine the King's confidence in me, and that I was the 
less sure of retaining this, since the King, following the tradition 
of the Royal House, did not treat with me direct, but only through 
the Cabinet. He then said that this could not continue so ; where- 
upon I drew his attention to the danger of engaging in a conflict 
with the Cabinet, a danger of which he must be well aware. 
He mentioned my political programme, into a few details of 
which I entered. 

Finally he expressed the hope that the King would never lose 
confidence in me. 

At the sitting of the Chamber of Deputies of March 16, 1867, 
the motion of the Deputies Dr. Edel and Dr. Volk for the estab- 
lishment of a supreme administrative tribunal (Verwaltungs- 
gerichtshoj) had been under discussion. The motion corresponded 
to a resolution of the Chamber of June 27, 1865, for which reason, 
after a lengthy speech in its support by Dr. Edel, no one else rose 
to speak. The President therefore closed the discussion while 
reserving to the Reporter and the representative of the Govern- 
ment the right of making final remarks by the Reporter and 
the Government Advocate. Thereupon Minister von Bomhard 
rose and declared the question to be not yet so mature that the 
Government ought not to demand time to take it into further 
consideration. The President observed, after this speech, 
that he regarded the utterance of the Minister of Justice as a 
reopening of the discussion, and assumed that Herr von Bomhard 
had spoken as a Deputy, since his remarks were scarcely recon- 
cilable with the former attitude of the Ministry. In the 
now reopened discussion Dr. Volk proceeded to deliver a sharp 
attack, reminding the Chamber of the fact that as long ago as 
June 27, 1865, the Minister of the Interior had declared that the 
question of an administrative tribunal had been carefully gone into, 
and that he was firmly convinced of the necessity of its estab- 
lishment. "It is no light matter," he said, "for the political life 
of a State at the present time, if it can be said of it with a shadow of 
justification that it is without a helm ; and that is what is now said 
of the Bavarian State." 


March 17, 1867. 

On Sunday, March 17, 1867, I returned at half- past eleven 
at night from Ansbach. I found a letter from Senior, in which 
he informed me that the day before there had been a scene in 
the Chamber of Deputies, which decided him to ask me to fix a 
Ministerial Council for Monday the i8th. Bomhard, it appeared, 
had risen quite unnecessarily at the sitting of Saturday and spoken 
in a way that made public property of the fact that a difference 
of opinion existed among the Ministry on the question of the 


administrative tribunal. After I had been present at a committee 
of the Chamber of Deputies, the Ministers assembled at my house at 
one o'clock. Here Bomhard the Minister of Justice was re- 
proached for his error, and given clearly to understand that he 
must resign. He granted that he had gone rather too far in his 
speech, but would not admit that this should involve his dismissal. 
He would not retire, but would lay the matter before the King 
and leave the decision to the King. Whereupon he went away. 
The rest of us, with the exception of Pranckh, remained to- 
gether and discussed what we should do, and then agreed that 
Schlor should draw up a memorial to the King by the next day. 

On Monday evening Varnbiiler, Schlor, and Tauffkirchen 
dined with me, and after dinner we had a long talk about the 
relations of South Germany to the North German Confederation. 

The next morning Varnbiiler and I discussed the German 
question, and at noon the Ministers, with the exception of Bom- 
hard, met again at my house. We all thought Senior's memorial 
too abrupt, and Gresser was commissioned to draw up 
a more polite one. In order that the King should not 
hear Bomhard 's version only, and perhaps be talked over to his 
side, I proposed that they should authorise me to go on the fol- 
lowing day to the King and give him a provisional verbal account 
of the state of affairs. I also wrote to Lutz, to get him to ask 
the King to receive me instead of Pfretzschner, who was 
obliged to be at the sitting of the Upper House, as I had a very 
urgent matter to lay before him in the name of the Council of 
Ministers. At half -past eleven at night I received an answer 
that the King, before granting me an audience, wished to know 
the object of my visit. The next morning I replied that I had 
been commissioned to inform the King verbally of the views of 
the Cabinet, and that, if the King desired me to present a memorial 
in writing, I must first call the Council together in order to draw 
up a collective note. 

To this missive an immediate reply was sent, that the King 
would receive the Prince the same day at half-past twelve. 

On April 30 the resignation of the Minister of Justice, von 
Bomhard, took place. A Bill providing for the establishment of 
an administrative tribunal was laid before the Chamber of Depu- 
ties on November 27, 1867. 

Report to the KING respecting the relations of Bavaria 
with the other German Confederate States. 

MUNICH, March 20, 1867. 

In order to proceed with any prospect of success with the 
negotiations respecting the position occupied by Bavaria with 
regard to the other German States, such as were announced by 
Prussia, as being in preparation with Wiirtemberg, Baden, and 


Hesse, and as undoubtedly to be extended to Austria, as well 
as to enable him in all things to perform his duty in the present 
exceedingly difficult situation, Your Majesty's obedient servant 
requires above all to be thoroughly assured that his opinions 
regarding the means of accomplishing the end in view fully 
coincide with those of his Royal master. He needs your 
Majesty's confidence, and that in such a degree that not 
only this country but the Governments before mentioned shall 
not doubt for a moment the existence of this unanimity and of 
this confidence. Your Majesty will not fail to appre- 
ciate that, unless this conviction is firmly established and 
general, any attempt at a salutary solution of the question before 
us would be doomed to failure from the outset. In justification 
of this view, the undersigned ventures to remind your 
Majesty that during the last few weeks rumours which 
have been current have been sufficient to bring to a standstill 
the negotiations opened with the Grand Duke of Baden and 
with the Minister von Varnbliler of Wiirtemberg, and to 
strengthen the party in Karlsruhe which is working for admis- 
sion into the North German Confederation. 

The undersigned feels that these considerations impose upon 
him the duty of submitting to your Majesty with all frankness, 
and as precisely as possible, the position he feels bound to take 
up with regard to the impending negotiations. 

Only in the event of your Majesty being pleased to sanction 
this position in its main lines, will the undersigned be able to 
accomplish the task graciously imposed upon him, and the more 
clearly and unquestionably your Majesty may be pleased to ac- 
knowledge this unanimity, the more hopefully will he be able to 
proceed with the work. 

The danger which threatens the Kingdom through the con- 
tinuance of the present state of affairs is a double one : 

(1) Any European complication, however favourably it 
might result for one or other of the Great Powers, might prove 
the greatest danger to the existence and independence of Bavaria, 
should Germany be involved in it. 

(2) The aspiration of the German people to realise their 
national ideal, even against the will of their Governments, may 
lead to internal struggles which would threaten the dynasty. 

It must therefore be the task of the Government : 

(1) To conclude alliances, by which the danger of European 
complications would be averted. 

(2) To strive for the formation of a national union of Germany, 
which would satisfy the legitimate demands of the nation, without 
infringing the sovereign rights of your Majesty or the integrity 
of Bavaria. 

The less it can be disputed that at the present moment Bavaria 
is still in a position to hinder the accomplishment of any 
of these designs, the more certain does it appear that 


the word of Bavaria may have a great influence on their attain- 

This possibility, however, depends upon circumstances of a 
transient nature, and the opportunity now offered may be a brief 

On the occurrence of a European complication, or the outbreak 
of a powerful national movement in South Germany, this oppor- 
tunity would be irretrievably lost. From these considerations 
your Majesty's obedient servant, the undersigned, believes 
it his duty to oppose the idea that it would be in the 
interests of the Kingdom to wait until Austria is able to resume 
her former position in Germany. I neither consider such a change 
in the relations of Austria to be probable in the present form 
of the Austrian Monarchy, nor do I believe the re-entry of Aus- 
tria into the German League to be possible, in view of 
the uncompromising opposition of Prussia, nor indeed, according 
to information I have received from Vienna, is it within the inten- 
tions of the Austrian Government. 

In any case the attempt would lead to a European war, which 
would undoubtedly jeopardise the existence of Bavaria. 

But, apart from such danger of war, should Bavaria continue 
to occupy an expectant and completely isolated position, Prussia 
would not fail to take advantage of this isolation in the treatment 
of pending material questions, which would greatly endanger 
the welfare of the country and indirectly the maintenance of 
internal law and order. 

The undersigned therefore believes it his duty to advise most 
strongly the entry into the negotiations proposed by Prussia re- 
specting the relations of the South German States to the North 
German Confederation, and the arrival at a previous under- 
standing, as far as possible, upon joint or, at any rate, similar 
action on the part of the South- West German States in this ques- 
tion. It is becoming daily more obvious that Prussia is not 
disposed to wait long before taking the question in hand, and 
in this connection the undersigned would draw attention to 
the speech of the King of Prussia of February 24, and the speech 
of Count Bismarck of March u, 1867,* which make it appear 

* King Wilhelm, in his Speech from the Throne on February 24 (at the 
opening of the first Reichstag of the North German Confederation), said, 
with regard to South Germany: "The regulation of the national relations of 
the North German Confederation to our fellow countrymen south of 
the Main has been left open by the treaty of peace of last year as a matter 
for agreement. For the attainment of this mutual understanding our hand 
will be held out frankly and willingly to the countries of South 
Germany, as soon as the North German Confederation shall have made 
sufficient progress in the establishment of its Constitution to be in a position 
to conclude treaties. The maintenance of the Zollverein, the joint adminis- 
tration of domestic affairs, and the measures to be taken in common for the 
security of German territory, will furnish the fundamental conditions of 
the understanding which, it may be anticipated, will be the object of the 
endeavours of both parties." Count Bismarck, speaking on March n, 


the more impossible to postpone the opening of negotiations 
with the South-West German States for a concurrent treatment 
of the question. 

As to the course to be pursued in this work of coming to an 
argument, the undersigned deems it unquestionably right to pro- 
pose to your Majesty that which is in accordance with current 
treaties, and is therefore the correct course and will not endanger 
peace, which seeks its points of departure in the most recent events, 
is therefore wisely conservative, and which is more calculated 
than any other to preserve the position of Bavaria and the rights 
of your Majesty. 

The basis is afforded by the Treaty of Prague of August 23, 
1866, which provides by Article IV. : 

(1) That Germany is to be newly constituted without the 
participation and with the exclusion of Austria. 

(2) That the South-West German States shall be free to ar- 
range a national union with the North of Germany; but that, 

(3) In contradistinction to the States of the North German 
Confederation, an international independent existence shall be 
preserved to the South-West German States. 

This last requirement is fulfilled by the formation of a League 
of States, while a Federal State, which is distinguished from the 
former especially by possessing a joint legislative body (a federal 
parliament), would overstep the limits laid down. 

The most recent precedent with which a connection is to be 
made is the German Confederation, from which Austria has se- 
ceded, but which, even if formally dissolved, can nevertheless not 
be considered as completely abolished so far as concerns the actual 
connection of the German States among themselves. The German 
Act of Confederacy of June 8, 1815, would therefore afford a 
fitting foundation. 

A reconstitution of the German Confederation, with the exclu- 
sion of the Austrian States, upon the foundation of the Act of 
Confederacy, and with only those modifications therein which are 
obviously brought about by the altered circumstances, that is 
the basis, according to the conviction of your obedient servant, 
upon which an agreement of the South-West German States is to 
be attained and negotiations opened with the North. 

Under the name of the German Confederation a league of 
States would hereby be created, which might undoubtedly serve 
as a transition to a closer federal union, but which could not for 
the time being be described as a constitutional confederation in 
the proper sense of the words. 

said of South Germany: "As regards the important question of power, 
I consider the union of North Germany and South Germany, in the face 
of all questions where the North German Confederation is attacked, to be 
in all points assured. It is assured by the needs of the South and by the duty 
of the North to stand by her." 


The members of this Confederation of States would be : The 
North-German Confederation, Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, Baden, and 
Southern Hesse. 

Prussia, as chief Power of the North German Confederation, 
would have the Presidency. 

An equitable division of the voting powers would have to be 
considered as far as possible. 

For the regulation of military relations, the separate treaty 
of August 22, 1866, and the Stuttgart resolutions would furnish the 

Article XIX. of the Act of Confederacy would have to be modi- 
fied in such a way as to secure the existence of the Zollverein. 

The centre of legislation would lie in the Chambers of the 
separate States, and for the North German Confederation in its 
Federal Council and Parliament. 

The admission of South German Deputies into this Parliament 
should be declined. 

In all other points the independence of the separate States 
would remain undisturbed. 

As surely as a unification of Germany can be prepared on these 
lines, which in the given case also allows the possibility of the 
German provinces of Austria being included later, so surely will 
such a form not permanently satisfy the legitimate desires of the 
German nation as to its share in collective legislation and the 
powerful protection of German interests abroad. 

In the opinion of the undersigned, the means of avoiding Euro- 
pean complications during the natural and irresistible progress 
of this work for the unification of Germany, and of preserving 
the integrity of the separate States, and especially of Bavaria, 
is to be sought by preparing the way for an alliance of this German 
League with Austria, which would secure to both the possibility 
of peaceful reconstruction and development. 

It should therefore be provided in the new Act of the German 
Confederation, in complete analogy with Article LXXI. of the draft 
Constitution of the North German Confederation, that an alliance 
of this confederation with Austria is to be prepared as soon as 

Your obedient servant has hitherto only been able with the 
utmost caution to make indirect inquiries as to the reception of this 
idea of his. Nevertheless, even these inquiries give the prospect 
that neither in Vienna nor in Berlin would such proposals be un- 
favourably received. 

At Karlsruhe they seem inclined to consent to the plan, nor does 
your obedient servant doubt that the Government of Wiirtemberg 
will agree to it. 

The undersigned now most respectfully begs your Majesty 
to authorise him to open negotiations on this basis at Stuttgart, 
Karlsruhe, and Darmstadt, and to look for opportunities at Ber- 
lin and Vienna. 


Whatever may be the outcome of the negotiations, this much is 
certain and should be well considered, that by the mere fact of their 
being opened the position of Bavaria in regard to Prussia will be 
materially improved, in connection with the following rather 
burning questions, which are pending, viz. : 

(a) The liquidation of the property of the Confederation. 

(b) The abolition of the salt monopoly. 

(c) The renewal of the Zollverein.* 

After the reading of the present report, your Majesty's Council 
of Ministers, with the exception of the Minister von Bomhard 
who was not present, have declared themselves to be in agreement 
with its details and proposals. 

Marginal Minute of the KING on the preceding Report: 
The authorisation herein requested is granted. 


MUNICH, March 30, 1867. 

Memorandum of the PRINCE. 

March 29, 1867. 

Lutz was quite pale with inward excitement when I called on 
him. He knew that it was a question of his whole future. I 
began by telling him that as yet I had had no opportunity 
of conferring with a candidate for the Ministry of Justice. That 
I had other plans, as he had already heard from Tauffkirchen. 
These plans could not, however, be carried out without a complete 
retirement of the Ministry. It was a question of himself. But 
it was difficult, if not impossible, for me at present to propose 
any change in the Ministry, since I was not at variance with the 
other Ministers, and entertained real esteem for Gresser and 
Pechmann in particular. It might, however, appear desirable 
and necessary for the next few months to have a Ministry to which 
the world, and especially our neighbours, would look with respect, 
in that case it was needful to have sensible men in the Ministry, so 
I had thought of him. I then explained to him how it was im- 
possible that he alone should enter the Ministry in place of Bom- 
hard, and said that the difficulty lay simply in the fact that, 

*By Article VII. of the Treaty of Peace of August 22, 1866, Prussia 
had agreed to the provisional continuance of the Zollverein, but had reserved 
to herself the power of giving six months' notice, and, after indirect taxes 
as well as Customs Duties had been declared a federal matter by the Con- 
stitution of the North German Confederation, had immediately demanded 
a corresponding amendment of the Zollverein legislation. Accordingly 
the Bavarian salt monopoly had to come to an end, and on May 9, 1867, 
an agreement was concluded respecting it. 


if the Ministry of Justice were now filled, there would be no place 
for him later on. 

He replied, saying how thankfully he recognised the confidence 
which I placed in him, but he believed he would meet with oppo- 
sition on the part of the King. He told me that once before he 
had been proposed for the Ministry of Public Worship in Koch's 
time, and that this had fallen through owing to the King's oppo- 
sition. Nor could he come forward of his own accord. 

I replied that at present I could not commence any intrigue 
against my colleagues, as there was no pretext for it, but that 
such pretexts might occur later. Even without a pretext it might 
appear urgent to introduce new blood into the Ministry. 
In view of this it was desirable that he should hold himself avail- 
able, and postpone taking the Ministry of Justice for a few 

In reply to his question whether .it were possible to drag 
along with Bomhard, I assured him that it would make us too 

Finally we agreed that he should tell the King I had thought 
of Steyrer,* but had not yet spoken to him, and considered it desir- 
able that the matter should remain in suspense and the Minis- 
try be carried on as it was, after Bomhard had received his 

For the rest, he wished to tell me frankly that influences were 
at work which inclined the King more favourably to Bomhard. 
Consequently, he no longer had the King in hand in this matter 
and could not answer for anything. 

Report to the KING respecting negotiations with the 
North German Confederation. 

MUNICH, March 31, 1867. 

Your Majesty has been pleased by Royal sign-manual of the 
3oth inst. to authorise your most obedient servant to open ne- 
gotiations in Stuttgart, Karlsruhe, and Darmstadt, in order to 
bring about an understanding between the South-West 
German States with a view to joint, or at least concurrent, action 
in the coming negotiations with Prussia and the North-German 

Meanwhile the endeavours of Wiirtemberg and Baden to range 
themselves in harmony with your Majesty's Government on this 
question have found actual expression. 

Freiherr von Varnbiiler, Minister of State in Wiirtemberg, 
and Dr. Gelzer, Councillor of State of the Grand Duchy of Baden, 
the latter at the special request of the Grand Duke of Baden, 
were lately in Munich for a preliminary discussion with your 
most obedient servant of the bases of an agreement. 

The results of the discussion with Freiherr von Varnbiiler 
* Then Ministerial Councillor in the Ministry of Justice. 


are stated in the accompanying sketch,* which fully agrees with 
the proposals of the 20th inst., approved by your Majesty, which 
are again attached in original, and on that account, although 
it has no official character, it affords a firm hope that Wiirtemberg 
will entirely accede to the plan draw up by the undersigned. 

Councillor Gelzer also declared himself, on behalf of the Grand 
Duke of Baden, in complete agreement with the main features 
laid before him of the attitude to be observed in the negotiations 
with North Germany. 

The prospects of Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, and Baden coming to 
an agreement on the proposed lines are therefore good. On the 
other hand, events are proceeding with a rapidity that exceeds all 
anticipation. The North German Parliament of this there 
can hardly be any doubt will by next month have brought its 
task to an end. 

The idea of an alliance between the contemplated Confederation 
of German States and Austria seems, from official declarations 
in Berlin and Vienna, to offer every prospect of success, and perhaps 
it is only a question of the first step. At the same time, the ques- 
tion of Luxembourg is becoming more and more serious for Ger- 
many, and urgently calls for union. 

The undersigned considers it his imperative duty most 
respectfully to draw your Majesty's attention to these circum- 
stances and to the dangers which delay must threaten to the position 
of Bavaria in this question, at the same time most humbly praying 
that your Majesty may be pleased to sanction the conclusion of 
the agreement discussed with Freiherr von Varnbiiler, and the 
opening of corresponding negotiations with the other South- West 
German States. 

Minute by the KING in the margin of the preceding report. 

I approve the request here made, with the addition that, when 
the agreement is concluded, the refusal, formulated under 
Clause II. , of the South German States to enter the North 
German Confederation, is to be expressed in a still more 
decisive manner, and most strictly adhered to in the sequel, and 
that the recognition, comprised under Clause IV. (6), of the 
necessity of a parliament f seems to me to be not unobjectionable, 
and even superfluous, and that I should, therefore, prefer to see it 

*This "sketch" has not been preserved. Its contents may be inferred 
from the report of March 20 and from the resulting agreement of May 6, 

t According to this provision, "with respect to the further growth of 
federal legislation, the right of national representation in the league 
is to be recognised. For the time being the legislation of the league was 
to be dependent on the approval of the Chambers of Estates in the South 
and of the North German Parliament in the North. 


Clause IV. (8) I interpret, and therefore approve, in the sense 
that the regulation by treaty * will take place immediately upon 
the regulation of general relations, and before the new Treaties 
of Confederacy come into force. 

MUNICH, April u, 1867. 

At this juncture the progress of negotiations was interrupted 
by the international complication brought about by the French 
designs for the acquisition of Luxembourg. 

On the afternoon of April i, 1867, Herr von Werthern received 
the following telegram from Count Bismarck: 

"Information is urgently desired from your Excellency as to 
what impression the alleged sale of Luxembourg to France makes 
upon the Bavarian Cabinet, and what disposition we might count 
upon in Bavaria in case we came to a complication with France 
about it." 


An undated memorandum of the Prince records the contents 
of this telegram, and continues : 

"Werthern replied: 'Public opinion expects that Prussia will 
protect the rights of Germany in Luxembourg. Cabinet (i.e., 
Ministry) takes this feeling into account, while it judges at the 
same time the circumstances impartially.' To-day I have given 
Werthern a hint not to lay too much stress on the constancy of 
public opinion in Bavaria in his written reports to Bismarck, and 
to tell him there was much party spirit in it, and the mood might 
change at any moment." 

On April 2 the following despatch was sent to the Bavarian 
Minister in Berlin, Count von Montgelas : 

" Yesterday evening Baron Werthern expressed to me Count 
Bismarck's desire to know the views of the King's Government on 
the Luxembourg affair. I hastened to obtain the decision of his 
Majesty the King, my most gracious master, and now in what fol- 
lows accede to that desire : 

"Count Bismarck will recognise the difficulty of making a 
binding pronouncement upon a matter, of which I have at present 
no official cognisance, and in which I have to rely upon newspaper 
reports and the telegraphic account received here last night of Count 
Bismarck's declaration in the Reichstag, f 

"As far as it is possible in the circumstances to form an opinion, 
the King's Government entirely shares the point of view indicated 
by Count Bismarck, to which it would only add that, in view of 
the treaties of April 19, 1839, and July 27, 1839, it considers any 
alienation of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, without the 

* Of relations with Austria. 

f April i, on Bennigsen's interpellation. 


free consent of the Wallram line of the House of Nassau, 
as legitimate successors, to be inadmissible. In any case, the 
Bavarian Government is confident that Count Bismarck has 
neglected, and will neglect, nothing which may serve to 
protect by peaceful means the rights of Germany in this 

" Should events take a more serious turn, which God forbid, 
then the King's Government will expect to receive confidential 
information from Count Bismarck without delay. 

" You will be good enough to communicate the contents of this 
despatch to his Excellency Count von Bismarck." 

In a telegram to Werthern of April 2, Count Bismarck expressed 
a wish to learn, through the mediation of Bavaria, what attitude he 
might expect Austria to take up in the event of a war with France. 
After an inquiry had been sent by telegram in cipher to the Ba- 
varian Minister in Vienna, the Prince addressed the following 
letter to the Minister on the same day : 

" By cipher telegram of to-day's date I have requested your Ex- 
cellency to endeavour to obtain reliable information regarding the 
disposition of the Imperial Government in the event of the Lux- 
embourg question leading to war. 

" It is true that the latest utterances of the Prussian Government 
give rise to no direct or definite apprehension, but they are, never- 
theless, calculated to challenge a serious examination of the ques- 
tion, what position the King's Government is to take up. The 
King's Government has to keep in view, besides the urgent 
necessity and desire for the preservation of peace, the obliga- 
tions incumbent on it towards the whole of Germany and Prus- 
sia in particular, and, taking this into consideration, it has 
replied to an inquiry of Count Bismarck by the despatch of which 
a copy is enclosed. 

"If the value of friendly relations between Bavaria and the rest 
of Germany and Austria was already insisted upon in my 
circular of February 24, 1867, the importance of a declaration on 
the part of the Imperial Government which would give expres- 
sion to such friendly relations becomes so prominent in view of 
the recent complications that the question of the maintenance of 
peace may be said to depend chiefly upon the position which the 
Imperial Government decides to take up in the matter. 

"How valuable the maintenance of peace is for Austria at the 
present moment, how dangerous even an armed neutrality would 
be to the development of the contemplated changes in the con- 
stitutional life of Austria, will certainly be admitted by Herr 
von Beust. By an attitude favourable to German interests it is 
scarcely to be doubted that the Austrian Government would not 
only avoid this danger, but would form a connection with 
Germany corresponding to the interests and desires of all 
parties. In any case, it is of the highest importance to 



the Bavarian Government to be informed of the decision of Austria 
in this respect. 

" By command of his Majesty the King, my most gracious mas- 
ter, I commission you to address, as soon as possible, confidential 
inquiries in this sense to Herr von Beust, and authorise you to 
make known to him the contents of this despatch. Your Excellency 
will inform me with all possible haste of his answer, and of all 
matters affecting this question." 

On April 3 a Ministerial Council was held, at which the Prince 
assured himself of the unanimous approval of his colleagues of the 
steps hitherto taken by him. On the same day Count Bismarck 
telegraphed to Herr von Werthern : 

"Tell Prince Hohenlohe the following quite confidentially. 
Diplomatic communications from France assert that the Luxem- 
bourg transaction is concluded. The Emperor can no longer with- 
draw, although I have told Benedetti that in the present state of 
public opinion we could not and would not give way. On the 
other hand, Count Perponcher reports from The Hague that a con- 
clusion has not been reached, and that he hopes to hinder it. In 
the present position of things in Germany we must, in my judg- 
ment, be prepared to risk a war, however poor an object Luxem- 
bourg may be in itself. The attitude of the nation in the matter, 
its honour being at stake, must decide. In any case, we should both, 
to the best of our power, make the most of the favourable influence 
which this incident will have upon the consolidation of the 
national cause, and at the same time not allow ourselves 
to be taken by surprise should war occur at any moment. 
The British Government seems secretly disposed to view the pros- 
pect of a war not quite without pleasure, hoping that France will 
be worsted, ready, perhaps, to lend its aid, as soon as fortune 
favours us." 

Herr von Werthern sent this telegram to the Prince, who was 
at the moment dining at the Royal table. 

Memorandum by the PRINCE "on the statement to his 
Majesty the KING, April 4, at n a.m." 

At to-day's audience I made a statement to the King on the 
position of the Luxembourg affair. I asked what answer should 
be given to Count Bismarck's despatch of yesterday, and was 
authorised to declare that in case of war Bavaria would stand by 
the side of Prussia in conformity with the secret treaty, but that 
South German conditions made it appear urgently desirable that 
Bismarck should await the result of the inquiries in Vienna before 
proceeding to extreme measures. 

On April 5 it was laid down, in a note to Herr von Werthern, 
"that? in case the Luxembourg affair should lead to an armed 


conflict with France, the Bavarian Government regards it as 
established by the treaties already concluded that it shall 
stand by the side of Prussia and the other German States." 

Julius Frobel* was next sent to Vienna on April 3, to hasten 
the negotiations opened with Austria on April 2. He returned 
to Munich on the morning of April 7, and reported 
according to a memoir of Count Tauffkirchen he had spoken 
with Beust on the evening of April 4. Beust had said that he 
was in no way involved with France. The nature of the situation 
pointed to benevolent neutrality. Austria could at that time have 
no motive for intervening in the affair even though Prussia were 
prepared to reciprocate, for instance, in regard to the Eastern 
question, by a guarantee against the occupation of Bulgaria by 
Russia. There was proof, however, that Prussia was opposing 
the endeavours of the Government in the country. This must 
in any case cease. Above all, Prussia must herself come for- 
ward. Bavaria had lost through her treaties the independence 
necessary for the rdle of mediator. Besides this, Frobel had 
brought the following advices: Beust had to be extremely cir- 
cumspect. The party of the higher aristocracy were inimical to 
him. If victorious they would bring in a Metternich Ministry 
with an absolute regime and a French alliance. Beust's success 
at the Landtag in Prague t might have a decisive effect upon 
his position. Heinrich von Gagern was now committed to the 
Bavarian programme. Frobel supposed that Napoleon would 
prefer a congress to a war 4 

Count Tauffkirchen observed that so far from the indepen- 
dence of Bavaria being impaired by the treaty, it assured to the 
King of Bavaria the right of declaring war, and in that 
event pledged Prussia to assist. If Austria had an interest in 
preserving the independence of Bavaria and South Germany, 
and in the non-extension of the North German Confederation, this 
could in no way be better secured than by accepting mediation. 

Memorandum by the PRINCE, April 8, 1867. 

Audience of the King to-day. I read to him Bismarck's 
despatch informing us of the peaceful turn taken by the Luxem- 

* Frobel, who had been in the service of the Austrian Government 
from 1862 to 1866, and was at this time working at Stuttgart for the 
Government of Wiirtemberg, had already been sent by the Prince to Vienna 
on February 26 to find out what position Freiherr von Beust would 
adopt towards the Prince's German programme. Frobel, Ein Lebenslauf, 
vol. ii. p. 469. 

t After the dissolution of the Bohemian Landtag, the elections, which 
had taken place between March 22 and 29, had given a large majority to 
the German Constitutional party. Beust himself had been elected by the 
Chamber of Commerce of Reichenberg. Beust, Aus drei Viertd- 
jahrhunderten, vol. ii. p. in. 

t Count Tauffkirchen's notes agree entirely with FrobeFs own report. 
Ein Lebenslauf, vol. ii. p. 77. 


bourg affair. He then touched on various other subjects. Later 
spoke of the Ministry. He asked which of the Ministers I re- 
garded as specially able. I mentioned Schlor. He then spoke 
of Pranckh and Orff; I recommended the latter, he spoke for 
Pranckh. Finally he seemed to give in. Then he turned to 
Gresser, said he was not equal to his post, and wished that the 
Ministers would fall foul of him as well as of Bomhard, so as to 
get rid of him. I said this was impossible, but that he could easily 
be accommodated with a Government presidency somewhere, which 
was what he was fitted for. 

Despatch to the Bavarian Legation in Berlin. 

MUNICH, April 9, 1867. 

In the report of the 6th, received here the 8th inst., stress is 
laid on the fact that Count Bismarck would like a definite state- 
ment by the Bavarian Government as to the attitude it 
would adopt in the event of war with France. I considered this 
question already settled by my cipher telegram of the 6th inst., 
and by similar explanations to Herr von Werthern; I 
have not, however, omitted to obtain from H.M. the King further 
commands, by which I am now empowered to state that, if war 
should break out between the King of Prussia and the Emperor 
of the French over the Luxembourg question, the Bava- 
rian Government would deem that the case provided in 
the treaty signed at Berlin, August 22, 1866, had arisen, and 
accordingly would be prepared to act in the sense of that treaty. 
I must add, however, a reiterated assurance that his Majesty's 
Government, far from pressing for war, is prepared to 
co-operate in every suitable way towards the maintenance 
of an honourable peace, and, indeed, to exhaust all suitable 
means to that end. 

This despatch is marked with the King's concurrence, dated 
April 9. 


KARLSRUHE, April 9, 1867. 

On the day of my return from Berlin I received a visit from 
State Councillor Gelzer, who came to give me a verbal account of 
his journey to Munich. All that he told me as to the reception 
which you accorded him, and about the exchange of ideas which 
he had with you in regard to the weightier questions of the moment, 
could not but confirm in a high degree the impressions I brought 
back at the time from the conference at Miihlacker. 

Councillor Gelzer assured you in my name that the chief object 
of his visit was to establish confidential relations between 
you and me in addition to the ordinary business channels of 



communication, which seems to me highly desirable for the happy 
solution of national problems. Councillor Gelzer told me repeat- 
edly with grateful satisfaction with what good will the confidence 
with which he approached you was reciprocated, and I look upon 
this basis of confidence as of the highest value in all our present 
and future intercourse. 

As to the agreement which was drawn up at your desire during 
Councillor Gelzer's stay at Munich, and communicated to me 
as a foundation for future negotiations with Berlin, you know, 
both from my verbal and written statements, and from the recent 
communications of Councillor Gelzer, how from the bottom of my 
heart I regard the present questions and aims. It was with my 
fullest concurrence that Gelzer, in his conversations both with you 
and with Count von Tauffkirchen, laid stress upon these three 
points : 

(1) That the union of North and South Germany in one 
single federated State whether by the inclusion of the Southern 
States in the North German Confederation, or by the further 
development of the Zollverein has always appeared to me 
the most desirable of ends, for the attainment of which I would 
shrink from no personal sacrifice. That so long as this end remains 
unattainable, however, I consider myself bound not to hold aloof 
from any attempt that might bring us at least some steps nearer 
to it. 

(2) That for this reason I have already declared myself pre- 
pared, and I now renew that declaration, to meet with full con- 
fidence proposals emanating from yourself for an understanding 
regarding our common negotiations with the North German 
Confederation, because I attach the greatest value to a straight- 
forward co-operation with you, so long as I am able to remain 
faithful to my own convictions ; in short, I consider it a patriotic 
duty to support your position and your influence in Bavaria as 
far as in me lies. 

(3) That I can fully appreciate your ruling desire to work 
in the best possible way for the preservation of European peace, 
and to prevent Germany from being split into two hostile camps, 
and that in this connection I understand your proposals regard- 
ing Austria as formulated in No. VI. of the agreement drawn 
up by you. 

I thought it necessary once more to emphasise these three points 
in order to set before you the animating motives of my position 
and opinion with regard to your endeavours. I am anxious that 
you should be perfectly clear as to my intentions and con- 

Another question, however, is this : how would the agreement 
be regarded at present in Berlin? During my stay there two 
points seemed to me very significant in this connection. 

First, I do not believe that an open ear or a complete under- 
standing can be expected there for any other interest whatsoever, 


until the Constitution of the North German Confederation is 

Next, I was able while there to satisfy myself that immediately 
after the adoption of the Constitution of the North German 
Confederation, the discussion of a revision of the Zollverein (which 
is only to be expected) would take precedence of all other nego- 
tiations. I think myself the more obliged to draw your 
attention to this, because in Berlin Count Bismarck did not 
disguise from me what an unfavourable impression had been 
made there by a memorandum on the Zollverein question which 
had just been received from Munich.* 

I am very grateful to you for your latest kind communication 
regarding the sanction which you obtained from the King to take 
the first steps in the matters herein mentioned. 

With you I wish from my heart that the Luxembourg affair 
may not further disturb the development of German relations. 
But at all events this question may become a touchstone for the 
true worth of the German nation, and in this case unity and strength 
may grow out of it. 

Report to the KING. 

MUNICH, April 10, 1867. 

The question of the cession of the Grand Duchy of Luxem- 
bourg to France has in a few days brought the peril of war between 
France and Prussia alarmingly near. It is beyond doubt that 
Bavaria would not be able to avoid participation in such a war, 
considering the wording of the treaty of alliance of August 22, 
1866, and the feeling in the country. It is the more imperative 
to seize every available opportunity to avert the danger of war, 
or at any rate to diminish it, by an alliance calculated to strengthen 

From this point of view, Count Bismarck's invitation to 
join in obtaining information as to Austria's inclinations towards 
concluding an alliance with Prussia and Bavaria is also accept- 

The preliminary official steps in this direction undertaken 
by Count Bray have led to the somewhat cold reply which your 
Majesty will find in the enclosed despatch of the yth inst. Mean- 
while, Baron Beust has spoken on the subject to a private per- 
son, who, commissioned by your most obedient servant, the 
undersigned, has been to Vienna to discover the Minister's views. 
It appears from this that Austria would not be absolutely disin- 
clined to adopt an actively friendly attitude towards Prussia. 
Negotiations would rather deal with the strengthening of the 
promises and guarantees, particularly on the Eastern question, 
which Prussia and Germany in general would offer the Austrian 

* Memorial from the Bavarian Ministerial Councillor Weber. 


Government. If the undersigned could succeed in effecting a 
reconciliation of the interests of Prussia and Austria in this matter, 
the position of Bavaria in her negotiations with Prussia would 
be substantially strengthened thereby. For this reason the 
undersigned considers it important not to neglect any expedient 
which might conduce to this end. I have already personally 
represented to your Majesty that one such expedient (which 
even if unproductive of a definite result, might yet indirectly 
serve to smooth down many obstacles) would be afforded by the 
sending of a confidential agent to Berlin and Vienna. The duties 
to be associated with this mission are given in the enclosed draft 
instructions which are humbly submitted for your gracious ap- 

I have respectfully suggested that the person entrusted with 
this important and difficult mission should be Count Tauffkirchen, 
Ministerial Councillor in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. . . . 
It would relieve the mind of your most obedient servant, if before 
coming to any definite decision your Majesty would receive Count 
Tauffkirchen, and be pleased to determine whether the under- 
taking of the proposed mission by the Count would correspond 
with your Majesty's intentions. 

The draft of an instruction enclosed with the report indicates 
as the business of Count Tauffkirchen' s mission to the Courts of 
Berlin and Vienna: 

(1) To mitigate and, as far as possible, to remove, all 
obstacles standing in the way of an alliance between Prussia and 

(2) To bring to a conclusion such an alliance either in general, 
or in particular with regard to the Luxembourg question, and to 
enter into the same on the part of Bavaria, subject to the assent 
of his Majesty the King. 

(3) To aim at obtaining- thereby from Prussia favourable con- 
ditions for the opening of the proposed negotiations concerning 
the position of Bavaria and of the other South- West German 
States towards the North German Confederation, and to conclude 
an agreement thereupon subject to the approval of his Majesty 
the King. 

With the King's consent Count Tauffkirchen departed on his 
journey. From Berlin he wrote to the Prince on April 14 : 

"Bismarck has overwhelmed me with attentions in a quite 
remarkable manner. He seems to need Austria very particularly. 
So much the better, if we succeed in finding access there. . . . 
The King of Prussia spoke of your Highness with the fullest con- 
fidence and appreciation, and charged me with many greetings for 
you. . . ." 

The Count's mission to Vienna was unsuccessful. After a 
conversation with Count von Beust on the morning of April 18, 
he wrote to the Prince on April 19: "I consider it quite beyond 


doubt that the only advice to give the King is to recall 
me." * 


MUNICH, April 23, 1867. 

Some days ago Baron Werthern read to me a despatch from 
Count Bismarck, in which the Royal Prussian Government wishes 
to know whether the Royal Bavarian Government is prepared 
of its own free resolve to share with Prussia the responsibility 
which protection of Luxembourg's independence may have either 
directly or indirectly. The despatch further insists that the 
German Governments must make it clear to themselves which is 
to their interest : whether to bear the consequences that may arise 
from the refusal of the concession to France and in this event 
it is questionable whether Bavaria be suitably equipped or 
whether to decline these consequences, in which case the Gov- 
ernments concerned must make clear whether they are resolved 
publicly to defend their declining of war and their consequent assent 
to a policy of peace. 

Since the Royal Government has already declared, in the de- 
spatch of April 9, 1867, its readiness to stand side by side with the 
Prussian Government throughout the development of the Luxem- 
bourg question, in honourable fulfilment of the special treaty of 
August 22, 1866, it follows that her resolution holds good, even 
independently of the phases, as yet unknown to her at that time, 
of the policy regarding this question pursued by the Royal Prussian 
Government. In this case, however, responsibility for the 
possible outbreak of war should all the less be laid to her 
charge, as co-operation in the decisions in question was not pos- 
sible to her. 

On the other hand, of their own free determination therefore 
apart from the Treaty of Alliance the Bavarian Government 
consider it right not to shrink from a war necessary for the preser- 
vation of Germany's honour and of her position in Europe, but 
otherwise to leave no means untried which may conduce to the 
maintenance of a peace that is consistent with this honour and 
dignified position. They must desire the maintenance of such peace 
the more earnestly in proportion to the greatness and imminence 
of the injury that war with France would bring to South Ger- 
many, and the difficulty which the military powers of South- West 
Germany would find in offering an effective resistance to an attack 
by the French Army. 

The Royal Government find a further reason for their earnest 
desire to preserve peace in the attitude of the Imperial and Royal 
Austrian Cabinet, which, according to the latest news received 

*This conversation is repeated in Beust's despatch of April 19 to 
Count Wimpffen in Berlin, printed by Beust, Aus drei Vierteljahrhunderten t 
vol. ii. p. 119. 


from Vienna, is resolved to confine itself to a watchful neutrality. 
Accordingly, though it cannot be doubted that such a peaceful 
policy corresponds most nearly to the interests of Bavaria, yet 
the Royal Government has no hesitation in declaring that it is 
prepared even publicly to defend this policy and its consequences. 
This they can only do, however, if they are made acquainted with 
the measure of the concessions which are to be made to France, 
for the purpose of preserving peace. The Royal Government 
must, therefore, reserve its answer to this portion of the question 
asked until such time as it shall have received fuller explanations 
regarding the state of the negotiations between the Powers con- 
cerned, and regarding the conditions of the settlement of the differ- 
ence arising between Prussia and France. 

So far as the Royal Government, through the communications 
of Baron Beust, is acquainted with the content of the Austrian 
proposals for mediation,* it does not hesitate to declare now 
that these form an acceptable basis for negotiation, and only 
wish to add that France should, at the same time, recognise the 
new relations prevailing in Germany. 

The question as to the condition of the Bavarian Army will 
be answered in the most unreserved manner by Major-General 
and Quartermaster-General Count von Bothmer, who has gone 
to Berlin to-day for that purpose. 

I beg your Highness to read this despatch to Count von Bis- 
marck, and to be good enough to ask him for information as to 
the present state of negotiations. 

The negotiations meanwhile set on foot with Wiirtemberg 
concerning the adjustment of relations with North Germany, 
led to an understanding which was expressed in the following 
" Ministerial declaration" of May 6-16, 1867: 

"The undersigned, impressed by the high value of common 
action on the part of the States of South- West Germany, par- 
ticularly Bavaria and Wiirtemberg, in the pending negotiations 
with the North German Confederation, agreeably to Article LXXI. 
of the draft Constitution, have, with the gracious consent of their 
Sovereigns, come to an agreement upon the following points: 

"I. Bavaria and Wiirtemberg are prepared, at the instance of 
Prussia, to enter into negotiations with North Germany, as to the 
conclusion of the National Confederation contemplated for in 
Article IV. of the Peace of Prague. 

"II. Entrance into a common confederation by the extension 
of the Constitution of the North- German Confederation to the 
Southern States cannot be accepted as a basis for these negotiations ; 
rather is the conclusion of a more comprehensive confederation 
with the North German Confederation to be aimed at. 

"III. For the constitution of this more comprehensive Con- 
federation, the principles of the Act of Confederation of June 8, 
* As to Austria's proposals, see Sybel, vol. vi. p. 92. 


1815, with the alterations necessitated by the secession of 
Austria, and by the demands of the time, are to be taken as the 
point of departure. 

"IV. The Bavarian Government stipulates for the preparation 
of a draft, the outlines of which shall be laid down as follows : 

"(i) The Confederation consists of the North German Con- 
federation, Bavaria, Wlirtemberg, Baden, and South Hesse. 

"(2) The purpose of the Confederation is to safeguard the 
national solidarity, to preserve the integrity of the Confedera- 
tion's dominions, and to further the well-being of their inhabitants. 
All members of the Confederation have, as such, equal rights; 
they are mutually pledged to hold the Act of Confederation in- 

" (3) The business of the Confederation shall be conducted by 
a Federal Council under the presidency of Prussia, on which votes 
shall count in the following proportion: 

Prussia 17 
Bavaria 6 

and the other Sovereign Princes and free towns of the Confedera- 
tion as provided in Article VI. of the Act of Confederation of June 8, 

"(4) Articles III. and IV. of the draft Constitution of the 
North- German Confederation will be recognised as a basis for 
negotiations relative to the settlement of the common concerns 
of the Confederation. 

"(5) In order to obviate later difficulties in framing the laws 
of the Confederation, and having regard to experience gained under 
the ruling of the earlier Act of Confederation, the regulation of 
each single one of these common concerns shall, as a funda- 
mental law of the Confederation, follow the lines of the agreement 
as far as possible. 

" (6) In considering the framing of these laws, the qualification 
for national representation in the Confederation is to be acknow- 
ledged ; while, however, and for so long as the relations of the 
Parliament of a more comprehensive confederation to the Parlia- 
ment of the North German Confederation present insuperable 
difficulties, the framing of laws for the more comprehensive con- 
federation shall be dependent on the consent of the Diets in the 
South, and in the North on that of the North German Parliament. 
The Federal Council prepares the Federal law. 

" (7) In the North, executive power is vested in the presidency 
of the North German Confederation, in the South in the individual 

" (8) With the double purpose of removing the difficulties 
which may arise in the national development of the extended 
Confederation from the concluding words of Article IV. of the 
Peace of Prague, and to provide a guarantee for the maintenance 
of European peace, the provision laid down in Article LXXI. of the 


draft Constitution of the North German Confederation should be 
added, viz. that a way should be paved for an alliance of the Con- 
federation with Austria, if that is not attained simultaneously 
with the conclusion of the Treaty of Confederation.* 

"V. With regard to the military relations of the Southern 
States, particularly of Bavaria and Wurtemberg to the North, 
arrangements have been made by the treaty of alliance that has 
been concluded, and by the South German States among them- 
selves, in accordance with the Stuttgart resolutions of February 5, 

"VI. The actual negotiations shall, according to the Prussian 
Government's previous suggestion, be undertaken in the form of 
conferences of the several Ministers in Berlin. 

"VII. Preliminary declarations on this question by Bavaria 
and Wurtemberg shall, so far as practicable, be sent to Prussia 
only after previous agreement, but in any case shall immediately 
be communicated to each other, and a direct correspondence 
between the undersigned shall be established as the form for these 

"VIII. Bavaria undertakes to obtain, if possible, the adhesion 
of Baden and Hesse to this draft agreement, and offers Wurtem- 
berg her good offices in this particular." 

By a communication dated May 6, from the Bavarian Ministry 
of State, Baden and Hesse were invited to join this union. 

Simultaneously the project was confidentially communicated to 
the Austrian Government. 

The union of Bavaria and Wurtemberg was thoroughly exam- 
ined by the Ministry of Baden. The Minister for Foreign Affairs 
von Freydorf made the following remarks upon it : 

" (i) From Nos. L, II., and IV., everything must be eliminated 
that hinders the entry of the South German States into the North 
German Confederation. 

" (2) No. V. is to be understood as not excluding a further 
union in military matters of the South German States with Prussia, 
or with the North German Confederation. (Baden was at that 
time carrying on negotiations with Prussia regarding a military 

"(3) No. IV. (5) is 'quite impossible,' if the Confederation 
is to be realised within measurable time. 

" (4) No. IV. (3) and (6) are equally impossible, hence a legis- 
lative enactment, by means of the addition to the North German 
Confederation of a number of South German delegates, is requisite." 

Count Bismarck, to whom these proposals of reform were 
communicated with the consent of Bavaria and Wurtemberg 
on May 14, 1867, observed concerning them to von Tiirkheim, 
the Minister of Baden at Berlin, that he would not agree to a 
confederation on the lines of the protocol of May 6, but did not 
* For the after-wording of this clause, see note p. 228. 


wish to say this definitely and publicly. As to the modifications 
proposed by Baden, he reserved his declaration until Bavaria 
and Wurtemberg should have agreed to them. For the present, 
he would only say this much with certainty, that Prussia, in the 
first place, desired a further confederation with the South, and 
indeed, looked upon this as the basis of the renewal of the Zoll- 
verein; but that for this confederation, as also for the Zollver- 
ein, there must be found a form of simple agreement upon 
ordinary business, not merely upon such as was to be foreseen 
far ahead. Without this indispensable premise, he would rather 
renounce both confederation and Zollverein with the South or 
with the States who were fundamentally in opposition. According 
to Count Bismarck's desire, it would be in this sense that Baden 
should prosecute the negotiations. In a like sense Bismarck 
wrote to the Prussian Minister at Karlsruhe on May 1 7 : 

" The basis of the Ministerial declaration of May 6 cannot be 
accepted by us. Common legislation (No. IV. (4)) we look upon 
as a benefit, not so much for us, the North German Confederation, 
as for the South German States. With regard to the Customs 
especially, it is impossible for us to bind ourselves to a condition 
which as a general ruling demands, in addition to a decision of 
the Reichstag, the consent of eight South German Chambers, 
and would practically give a veto to any single one of the latter. 
The only mode of common Customs legislation which we can accept 
is by means of an enlargement of the Federal Diet and the Reichs- 
tag for that purpose, through the participation of delegates from 
South Germany." 

Meanwhile the Government of Baden had forwarded to Munich 
their proposed alterations in the protocol of May 6, and, since 
these were partially accepted by Prince Hohenlohe, the 
agreement so modified seemed to afford a possible foundation for 
common negotiations between the South German States and the 
North German Confederation. By a decision of the Grand 
Duke, May 27, 1867, the Ministry was, therefore, empowered 
"to enter into negotiations hi common with the three other Gov- 
ernments regarding the foundation of a more comprehensive 
Confederation of the South German States with the North German 
Confederation, on the basis of the Ministerial declaration of 
May 6- 1 6, with the modifications proposed in Prince Hohenlohe's 
note of the 22nd hist." 

But the course of these negotiations was interrupted by the 
Prussian Government's own initiative in the question of the Zoll- 
verein. At the end of May the Prussian Ambassador, Baron 
Werthern, informed Prince Hohenlohe that Count Bismarck was 
thinking of arranging a conference of Ministers in Berlin, in order 
to deliberate about the reconstruction of the Zollverein, and the 
questions relative thereto. The Prince supposed that the adhe- 
sion of the South German States to the North German Confedera- 
tion might also come under discussion, and hence he wished to 


conclude the understanding with the rest of the South German 
States before the Berlin Conference. He therefore informed 
Baron Werthern that the postponement of the conference until 
the end of June would be desirable. At the same time the Bava- 
rian Minister in Stuttgart reported that Varnbuler wished to 
meet the Prince for a consultation as to the impending confer- 
ence. In consequence the Prince went to Nordlingen on May 30, 
1867, for a conversation with Barnbiiler. He was accompanied 
by the Ministerial Count Tauffkirchen. 


MUNICH, May 30, 1867. 

Upon the invitation which will be found among the official 
papers, the Minister of State, Prince Hohenlohe, went to-day 
with the Ministerial Councillor, Count Tauffkirchen by an early 
train to Nordlingen, where Freiherr von Varnbuler was already 

The following conversation then took place between the three 
persons named in the station-master's sitting-room. 

Baron Varnbuler read aloud his despatch to Count Degenfeld 
of the 2 gth, and handed it to the Prince for further reference. 

He added the comment that the mission of Count Tauffkirchen 
had called forth a very profound feeling of dissent in Paris. The 
French Minister in Stuttgart, to whom he had truthfully 
declared that he had neither any share in this mission, nor any 
knowledge of it, had made use of the words: "If it comes to 
war and France is victorious, Bavaria will have to pay dearly, 
very dearly, for this step." Baron Wachter's reports from Paris 
entirely agree with this. Baron Beust, also, had expressed him- 
self in an unfavourable and unfriendly manner concerning the 
plan of Bavaria and Wiirtemberg to Baron Thumb, who, according 
to instructions, had maintained the greatest reserve as to the 
question of the reconstitution of Germany. Varnbuler read 
aloud a portion of one of Thumb's recent despatches, according 
to which so at least Varnbuler read Beust had said to him 
that he did not intend to throw a sop to the Ultramontanes in 
Bavaria. The word "alliance" will be now imported into the 
conflict between Prussia and France, and will give the greatest 
offence in Paris. It would, therefore, be very advisable to sub- 
stitute another mode of expression, and he must, on Wiirtemberg's 
behalf, the more strongly insist upon this change, as even during 
the consultations such an aggressive underlying meaning to the 
expression had not in reality been very remote. 

Varnbuler continued: According to the latest reports from 
Berlin, there did not at present exist there any intention of 
entering into a National Union with the South, even in order 
to avoid an exceptionally threatening war with France. Varn- 
buler read aloud portions of a report from the Minister 


Baron Spitzemberg, dated May 24, 1867, according to which 
Count Bismarck had declared to him that he proposed confining 
himself for the present to a regulation of tariff affairs, and would 
not go further unless one of the Southern States expressly 
desired it. He did not desire even a special military convention. 
An energetic and consistent carrying out of the Stuttgart resolu- 
tions would suffice for him. Spitzemberg thereupon put it 
to him whether it would not be advisable, for the abridgment 
of the conferences on the tariff arranged for after Easter, to 
allow a preliminary settlement of the main lines by a con- 
ference of Ministers. Bismarck took up this idea very willingly. 
He thought the invitation to the conferences should be conveyed 
to the Ministers for Foreign Affairs without a previously fixed 
programme, and that in the invitation the agenda should only 
include the Zollverein and subjects in direct connection with 
that, such as the patent laws and the condition of trade. The 
Ministers of the larger States of the North German Confederation 
were to be invited. He feared that people in Munich would be 
distrustful, and would want Varnbiiler to sound Prince Hohenlohe. 
He, Varnbiiler, had gladly accepted the idea though with express 
limitation of the conference to tariff affairs because he deemed 
that a favourable occasion for such negotiations was afforded by 
the present endeavour to spare the susceptibilities of France 
and to draw in Austria. He had, however, left to Bismarck 
the sending of the invitation to Munich. He had deemed this 
verbal explanation necessary, since he had learned from Munich 
that Prince Hohenlohe had been dilatory in answering, and 
that there was an intention to repeat the invitation indeed, 
such a second invitation had reached him at eleven o'clock last 
night, the 29th, through Baron Rosenberg, and presumably 
the same message had been received simultaneously by Baron 

In respect to the attitude which the Wiirtemberg Govern- 
ment would take up towards the question itself, he added that 
they would abide by the draft of May 6, 1867,, and settle the 
matter as far as possible by a treaty. 

The Tariff Convention would have to decide: 

(1) The sphere of the tariff's application. 

(2) The sources of revenue. 

(3) The mode of distribution. 

The Customs, the rape tax, the salt tax, and, in any case, the 
tobacco duty, were to be recognised as the sources of revenue; 
taxes on drinks, on the other hand, were to be excepted. New 
taxes should only be introduced by common consent. 

Equality of distribution must be insisted upon. Whether 
the treaty should be for a fixed time, and whether terminable 
with or without notice, he left undecided as yet. 

As for the rest, the final decision is to be left to an assembly 
chosen by popular election. 


The views contained in Weber's memorial had made a bad 
impression in Berlin, and if they were upheld by Bavaria, would 
have as a consequence her exclusion from the Zollverein. He 
himself, moreover, could not concur in them. As Bismarck 
had given notice of his intention to hold these conferences of 
Ministers before his departure for Paris (on June 5), a speedy 
decision was necessary. Varnbiiler gave up the idea of grouping 
together the corresponding propositions of the Zollverein treaty, 
and of the Constitution of the North German Confederation. 

He finally remarked, in regard to the military conditions, 
that the Wiirtemberg Government would be prepared for a 
perpetually operative system of military service, was ready to 
enter into the contemplated union with Bavaria, and would 
attach great importance to this, as making it possible to oppose 
a fait accompli to any later pretensions of Prussia. 

Prince Hohenlohe expressed his thanks to Baron Varnbiiler 
for these communications, and considered them so urgent that 
he resolved to take the mail train just going back to Munich, 
in order to be able to report the same day to his Majesty 
concerning both the subjects touched upon in his conversation. 

In conclusion Baron Varnbiiler emphasised his wish for 
concurrent action by Bavaria and Wiirtemberg, and suggested 
how important it would be for Bavaria at the present moment 
to be represented in Berlin by some person who might be in a 
position to give certain information as to the frequent fluctua- 
tions of opinion there. 

By 3.35 P.M. Prince Hohenlohe and Count Tauffkirchen 
were back in Munich, and after the former had learned from 
Baron Werthern that a further invitation to the conference of 
Ministers had not yet reached him, he sent the attached 
minute to Berg that same evening.* 

Report to the KING. 

MUNICH, May 30, 1867. 

Upon a telegraphic invitation from Freiherr von Varnbuler, 
your most obedient servant, the undersigned, betook himself 
to Nordlingen early this morning for a confidential interview. 

The occasion of this was a telegraphic invitation from the 
Prussian Government, already received by Herr von Varnbuler 
(but already announced to and hourly expected by your 
most obedient servant), to participate in the conference of 
Ministers for Foreign Affairs which is to be opened in Berlin 
during the next few days. This conference of Ministers is to be 
the introduction to the tariff conference, and is to limit itself to 
the question of the reconstitution of the Zollverein. Accord- 
ing to Varnbiiler's statements, not only does the Wiirtemberg 
Government attach the greatest value to a general acceptance 

* The following report. 


of this invitation, but Freiherr von Beust also has declared himself 
in unconditional agreement with the aims of this conference. 

Your most obedient servant considers he should the more 
strongly advise an acceptance of the invitation, because accord- 
ing to Article VII. of the Peace of Berlin, August 22, 1866, 
there is no justification for declining; moreover, the announce- 
ment of the Zollverein is to be apprehended; and finally, 
because the present moment, at which moderation is imposed 
upon Prussia owing to her strained relations with France, seems 
highly favourable for such negotiations. 

As to the instructions of your obedient servant on this occa- 
sion, further proposals shall follow. 

Freiherr von Varnbliler also delivered to your most obedient 
servant, the undersigned, the enclosed note, in which the inter- 
change Ministerial declarations in the sense of that of the 6th 
inst., approved by your Majesty, is made dependent on an 
alteration in the framing of Article IV. (8), which, as calcu- 
lated to remove the objection raised by Austria against the 
word " alliance" in your Majesty's previous note of the i5th 
of last month, is therefore to be regarded as a decided and most 
welcome improvement. 

The undersigned sets the greatest looks upon a speedy in- 
terchange of these Ministerial declarations as of the greatest 
importance, and therefore humbly submits this proposal: 

That your Majesty should consent to the immediate despatch 
of telegrams : 

(1) Consenting to a participation in the conferences of 
Ministers, on condition that these be confined to the business 
of the Zollverein. 

(2) Agreeing to the modification of the Ministerial declaration 
of May 6, proposed by Freiherr von Varnbiiler. 

Marginal Rescript by the KING. 

Both these proposals approved. 

SCHLOSS BERG, May 30, 1867. 

Declaration under the KING'S sign manual, May 30, 1867. 

In assenting to the negotiations undertaken between Bavaria 
and Wiirtemberg, as well as to the documents addressed to 
Karlsruhe and Darmstadt, I have started from the supposition 
repeatedly put forward by you, that the introduction of negotia- 
tions between South Germany and Prussia as to a reconstitu- 
tion of the Confederation is not to be urged, and will in no case 
be urged by Bavaria; that, however, it seems to me that caution 
is now doubly necessary, as it concerns not merely the preserva- 


tion of Bavaria's independence, but also the safeguarding of 
European peace in view of the excited feeling in France and in 
Austria against Prussia, on account of the former's existing 
and determined interpretation, no matter whether justified or 
not justified, of the Peace of Prague. 


Letter from the PRINCE to the BAVARIAN LEGATION in Vienna. 

MUNICH, May 30, 1867. 

The following strictly confidential communication as to the 
grounds upon which his Majesty's Government seeks to effect a 
union of the South German States in regard to their national 
relations with the rest of Germany, has been called forth by 
a verbal declaration of Freiherr von Beust which his Majesty's 
Legation reported on May 12, 1867, and by a more explicit 
note from the Imperial Cabinet of the i5th of last month, read 
aloud to me by Count Trauttmansdorf. The frank expression 
of the latter makes an equally frank reply the duty of his 
Majesty's Government. 

Neither the Bavarian nor any other of the South German 
Governments has entered into a compact which in any way 
limits their right to settle their national relations to the rest of 
Germany according to their own free judgment. The Nikolsburg 
preliminary treaty of July 26, 1866, to the second Article of which 
the Treaty of Peace concluded between Prussia and Bavaria 
on August 22, 1866, refers in Article V., does not contain such 
a limitation, see in particular the clause* subjoined to Article 
IV. of the Peace of Prague of August 23, 1866. It contains no 
obligation, but only the expression of the right of the South- 
West German States to* form a union among themselves. Though 
the Royal Bavarian Government found themselves isolated 
during the peace negotiations, owing to circumstances not 
unknown to the Imperial Government, and were by this led 

* Article III. of the Peace of Berlin (between Prussia and Bavaria) 
dated August 22, 1866: "His Majesty the King of Bavaria recognises 
the terms of the preliminary treaty concluded between Prussia and 
Austria at Nikolsburg on July 26, 1866, and for his part concurs in the 
same, so far as the future of Germany is concerned." Article IV. of the 
Peace of Prague, dated August 23, 1866: "His Majesty the Emperor 
of Austria recognises the dissolution of the German Confederation 
hitherto existing, and gives his assent to a new constitution of Germany 
without the participation of the Austrian Imperial State. His Majesty 
likewise promises to recognise the lesser confederation which his Majesty 
the King of Prussia is about to establish north of the line of the 
Main, and declares himself agreeable that the German States south of 
this line shall mutually enter upon a union, whose national relation with the 
North German Confederation shall not prejudice a closer agreement between 
the two, and which shall have an international independent existence" The 
addition of the last eight words distinguishes the Peace of Prague from the 
otherwise similarly worded Article II. of the Nikoisburg preliminary 



to conclude a treaty of alliance with Prussia on August 22, 
yet they certainly did not violate the treaties by this, nor, in par- 
ticular, the Peace of Prague of August 23, in which they 
had no share. 

As to the question whether these treaties are incompatible 
with the pledges undertaken by Prussia at Prague, the Royal 
Government do not at the moment consider themselves obliged to 
express an opinion, but must, however, take measures to prevent 
this silence being understood as consent. On the other hand, 
the Bavarian Government fully recognise their moral obligation 
to hold fast themselves, in their future treaties with Prussia, to 
the standpoint taken up by this Power in consequence of the 
Peace of Prague, and the full responsibility they would incur 
if European complications were to ensue in consequence of 
their participation in any deviation from this treaty. They 
are convinced that they have pursued this course consistently 
and not unsuccessfully in their relations with the other German 
States; they believe that these states also have remained true 
to the proposals of May 6, and they must oppose with decision 
the supposition that in this proposal any deviation from the Peace 
of Prague is to be found. 

There cannot be any doubt that by the previous formation 
of a federation of South German States, the reconstitution of 
Germany according to the terms of the Peace of Prague 
therefore without Austria has been facilitated. The reason 
why such a federation has not been consummated has hitherto 
lain in the purely negative attitude taken up by the Governments 
of Wiirtemberg, Baden, and Hesse, and in the lack of any 
sympathy with this idea among the people circumstances 
which would have made any such attempt hopeless from the 
beginning. The Bavarian Government have, therefore, been 
obliged to confine themselves hitherto to the partial union 
which found expression in the resolutions of the Stuttgart 

As to the point soon to be considered, that though the 
North German Confederation has been concluded, no union 
of the South German States exists, I meet with two extreme 

According to the one, the presupposed case under which 
Prussia would have assumed a qualified obligation has not 
occurred; therefore Prussia has now an unlimited discretion 
to enter into treaties with the South German States as she 

According to the other, the formation of a union of South 
German States is the preliminary condition, without which 
any national rapprochement of the South German States, or 
of any one of their number, with the North German Confedera- 
tion, would constitute a breach of the Peace of Prague. 

I cannot acknowledge either of these conceptions to be just. 


Article IV. of the Peace of Prague contains two main points : 

(1) The recognition of the right of the German States to 
form a National Confederation in place of the former German 
Confederation, with Austria excluded. 

(2) The limitation of this right by the obligation of Prussia 
to allow an independent international existence to the States south 
of the Main included in the Confederation. 

The objection attaching to the international independent 
existence of single States within a National Confederation is 
dissipated by a consideration of the earlier law of Confederation, 
especially Article II. of the Act of Confederation of July 8, 1815,* 
which recognises the independence of the separate States 
which are subject to the decisions of the Federal Assembly. 
A union of the South German States with North Germany, on 
the basis upon which the earlier Act of Confederation rested, 
is therefore not contrary to the Peace of Prague. The Bavarian 
Government believe they might strive for such a union, even 
without the previous formation of a Federation of South- West 
German States, without thereby incurring the responsibility 
involved in a deviation from the principles of the Peace of 

Though the Royal Government, therefore, would deem 
themselves perfectly justified, even without the previous consent 
of the other Governments, in pursuing the path they have 
taken, yet the advice of the Imperial Government to adopt a 
merely waiting attitude lays them under the obligation of 
once more deliberately examining the question of opportunity, 
of actually existing national political considerations. Bavaria, 
which has certainly not been separated from Germany by the 
events of the past year, has the national task and duty of 
knitting anew the severed national ties as speedily as possible. 
In this feeling of duty the Government is in accord with by far 
the greater majority of the people. 

Bavaria has no intention of taking the initiative in this 
direction, as is clear from the wording of Article I. in the draft 
of May 6, 1867, but thinks she should leave this to the North 
German Confederation. 

If, however, the tender of such negotiations were made by 
Prussia, the Royal Government would not be in a position to 
defend in their own country a refusal to enter into these negotia- 
tions. But, granted they could succeed in forcibly repressing 
this national impulse, they would certainly lack power to in- 
duce the other South-West German States to maintain a like 
passivity. Wiirtemberg, Baden, and Hesse will negotiate with 
the North German Confederation. Bavaria has the choice of 
taking up an influential position with regard to these negotia- 
tions, and of hindering, as far as possible, any overstepping of 

* Vvlkerrechtlicher Verein der deutschen souverdnen Fiirsten und freien 
Stadte, B. A. i, 2. 


the limit set by the treaties, or of renouncing all influence upon 
this reorganisation, without thereby escaping the dangers that 
may possibly arise from it. 

The material interests of Bavaria and of the rest of Germany 
are so closely intermingled that Bavaria could only allow this 
bond to be severed in case of utmost necessity, and always 
with danger to her own existence as a State. The Royal Govern- 
ment, therefore, will not, and cannot exclude themselves from 
negotiations with the North German Confederation as to the 
reconstitution of Germany. 

The Royal Government, which has manifested plainly enough 
the wish and the effort for a nearer approach of Austria to 
Germany, will during these negotiations endeavour to ward 
off all stipulations which, according to their views explained 
above, are contrary to the Peace of Prague, and all proposals 
likely to hinder any later peaceful rapprochement with Austria. 
I think that the Imperial Government will scarcely be able 
to ignore the weight of these arguments, or the danger which 
would lie in the exclusion of Bavaria from Germany in any 
peaceful adjustment of German relations, and in particular in 
the adjustment of relations with Austria, reinvigorated by her 
constitutional development. I therefore hope that the Imperial 
Government, if not consenting, will not obstruct or hinder the 
action of the Bavarian Government in this matter, and will refrain 
from stepping in the way to prevent the Bavarian Government 
from attaining their end. 

In order, moreover, to remove any misconstruction of the 
word "alliance" in Article IV. (8) of the draft, the Governments 
of Bavaria and Wiirtemberg have agreed to a different mode 
of expression in this place, so as to avoid the word. 

His Majesty's Envoy is commissioned to acquaint Baron 
von Beust confidentially with the contents of this despatch, 
and expressly to request him to consider the same as exclusively 
intended for the Imperial Government, and not designed for 
further communication. 

In accordance with the preceding transactions the form 
of Article IV. (8) of the Ministerial declaration of May 6 was 
thus altered: 

"There should be added to the Treaty of Confederation 
a provision copied from Article LXXI. of the draft of the Constitu- 
tion of the North-German Confederation, that an understanding 
with Austria answering to the community of nationality is to 
be aimed at, in so far as this is not attainable simultaneously 
with the conclusion of the Treaty of Confederation." 

In this form the treaty of May 31, 1867, was consummated, 
and simultaneously with it the following "Special Conven- 
tion" as to Wiirtemberg's and Bavaria's common action in the 
negotiations with the North German Confederation : 

"I. In the event of the unanimity requisite for the alteration 


of the law of confederation not being attainable, it shall be 
insisted upon that for a change in a provision of the Treaty of 
Confederation a majority of three-fourths shall be necessary, 
assuming that the proportion of votes provided for in Article 
IV. (3) of the Ministerial declaration is adopted. 

"II. It shall be insisted upon that the share of each mem- 
ber of the Confederation in the Federal right to declare war, the 
representation of the interests of the Zollverein by a Consulate- 
General, and the contributions (proportionate to their standing) 
to the German Navy by the individual States belonging to the 
Confederation, shall be settled by treaty. 

"III. The Bavarian Government will also confer with Prince 
Lichtenstein as to the attitude which he thinks of adopting on 
this question." 

Note by the PRINCE regarding the Conference oj Ministers 
in Berlin June 3, 1867. 

Having left Munich yesterday at twenty minutes past five, 
I arrived in Berlin at twelve o'clock to-day. Count Montgelas 
received me at the station, and accompanied me to the Hotel 
de Rome, where I found awaiting me an invitation to a Ministerial 
Conference to be held at two o'clock. Baron Varnbiiler came 
beforehand and gave me a general sketch of the position of the 
affair, and of the proposals of the Prussian Government. At 
two o'clock I drove with Ministerial Councillor Weber to Count 
Bismarck's. There we found the Ministers von Varnbuler, 
Dalwigk, and Freydorf, as well as the Privy Councillors 
Delbruck and Philippsborn, and von Nordeck, Councillor of 
the Legation, who had come with Freydorf. 

Bismarck opened the proceedings with a short speech, setting- 
forth the Government's standpoint. I then began the dis- 
cussion, remarked that I had come in order to announce the 
willingness of the Bavarian Government to take part in 
negotiations concerning the reconstruction of the Zollverein, 
although I had had no knowledge whatever of the programme 
and plan of the subject of negotiations. I must, however, 
observe that the standpoint of the Prussian Government, as 
expressed in the protocol, did not at all coincide with the views 
of the Bavarian Government. The entry of our deputies into 
the North German Parliament was an arrangement which could 
not count on any support from us. Hereupon Baron Varnbuler 
asked, How then did the Prussian Government think the 
legislative organ should be composed? To which Bismarck 
answered that the distribution of votes on the Council of the 
Federal Council for tariff purposes would be analogous to that 
on the old Diet. The legislative organ would be a body 
analogous to the North German Reichstag, elected by direct 
suffrage, one Deputy to each 100,000 inhabitants. Its com- 


petence would be decided by the treaties. He said that if 
we entertained the idea of giving our adhesion to the Tariff 
Parliament, Prussia proposed that we and South Germany should 
form our own tariff area, which would place us on as good a 
footing as possible with the North German Confederation and 
the North German Zollverein. Prussia, however, will not 
relinquish the project. The dissolution of the Zollverein will 
be the consequence of non-acceptance. So far as the election 
of Deputies was concerned, Bismarck would advise direct 
suffrage; but he left that to us, and recommended the con- 
vening of the Diets. 

I then proceeded to say that we had had quite a different 
conception of a Tariff Parliament. We had had in mind an 
assembly to which the North German Parliament and the South 
German Chambers would make over certain rights, which should 
concern itself with matters relating to the tariff and to trade, 
but which should not be admitted into the North German Par- 
liament. After Varnbuler and Freydorf had declared themselves 
in favour of the Prussian proposals, and Dalwigk had observed 
that for him, too, nothing remained but to consent, Bismarck 
put forward once more the advantages which a Zollverein Parlia- 
ment would have over the present arrangement. 

I admitted that merely with regard to tariff affairs such advan- 
tages were not to be ignored, yet that I must draw attention to 
the political side of the question. The sending of delegates to 
the North German Parliament for Zollverein business would 
lead us by degrees into the North German Confederation. But 
it was against our wish to allow ourselves to be drawn into this 
indirectly and by degrees. If we were to enter it, we should 
prefer to do so of our own accord. I therefore once more 
proposed to call together a special assembly, to which the North 
German Parliament should make over certain functions connected 
with the Zollverein, just as in this respect also the South German 
States would resign certain functions in its favour. 

Bismarck declared himself to be decidedly against this. It 
might mean a dissolution of the North German Confederation. 
Dear to him as was the Zollverein, he could not sacrifice the 
North German Confederation to it. Von der Heydt concurred 
in this. Bismarck then proceeded to say that those who 
wished to make mutual arrangements must partially renounce 
their independence. He acknowledged my frankness and would 
declare here what he would not say publicly, that Prussia will 
not incommode the South German States. The Prussian Govern- 
ment did not particularly desire our entrance into the North 
German Confederation; they would even be greatly embarrassed 
by the entry of eighty South German Deputies into the Reichstag. 
Varnbiiler suggested that the assembly might perhaps be called 
"The Assembly of Tariff Delegates," and Dalwigk referred to the 
English Constitution. The Reichstag might resolve itself into 


committee, after the English fashion, &c. Since no further reso- 
lution was taken on this point, Bismarck now produced the draft 
of a convention and read it aloud to us. 

Discussion upon this continued till 8.30 P.M., and the protocol 
was drafted which on the following day was agreed to by Wiirtem- 
berg and Baden, while I made a separate declaration. 

There is no room for doubt that Prussia would rather abandon 
the Zollverein than allow the idea of a Parliament to fall to the 
ground. What his Majesty should decide it is difficult to 
advise. On the side of acceptance there is the circumstance 
that if we have the Zollverein it would put an end to further 
discussions over the constitution of a federation, and conse- 
quently also to the dangers arising out of the dissolution of the 
Zollverein. If the King wishes to attempt the dissolution of 
the Zollverein with another Ministry, I am ready and willing to 

While the preliminary treaty of June 4 was at once signed by 
Baden and Wurtemberg, and by Hesse on June 7, Prince Hohen- 
lohe declared that for the present he could only look upon this 
draft as a Prussian proposal, and must reserve the declaration of 
the Bavarian Government concerning it. In Munich, Article 
VII. of the treaty appeared incompatible with the preservation of 
the independence of Bavaria as a State. According to this Article, 
powers of general legislation as to Customs and indirect taxes 
should be exercised by the Federal Council of the Zollverein as 
the general organ of the Governments, and by a Parliament 
as the general representative of the people. "The agreement of 
the resolutions passed by a majority in both Assemblies," said the 
treaty, "is necessary and adequate for the establishment of federal 
law." Bavaria opposed the arrangement of common legislation 
in tariff affairs binding the several States, which seemed to indi- 
cate a mediatisation of the separate States, and wished the 
development of the ordinary business affairs of the Zollverein 
to proceed upon the lines of the treaty. 

In order to press this point of view, Count Tauffkirchen, 
already appointed Minister at St. Petersburg, was sent once 
more to Berlin on June 14. On the main issue he had no 
success, but he gained two points: that Bavaria should count 
for six instead of four votes in the Federal Tariff Council and 
that representatives of the frontier States should be admitted 
to the negotiations with Austria and Switzerland. The name of 
"Tariff Parliament" was also agreed upon for the Legislative 
Assembly. With a protocol containing these provisions, the 
treaty of July 4 was completed. The signing of the definitive 
Zollverein treaty by the representatives of all the Powers took 
place in Berlin on July 8. 



MUNICH, July 18, 1867. 

After the Council of Ministers to-day I went to Lutz, in order 
to tell him that there was no getting on any longer with the 
vacancy in the Ministry of Justice, and that I had decided to 
propose him. He was pleased at this, but advised the postpone- 
ment of the matter till the King's return from Paris.* 

I think he was afraid he might have to make the journey to 
Paris. He then complained about the Minister of the Interior, 
and assured me there was no getting on with him any longer. 
The Deputies made fun of him, and the affair with the Burgo- 
master of Nuremberg would bring the King down upon him. A 
Herr von Wachter was Burgomaster there. Pechmann had pro- 
posed him to the King as Regierungsdirektor. The King 
said he did not wish this, for then a Radical would be elected 
in Nuremberg and difficulties would arise regarding the ratifi- 
cation. Pechmann insisted and asserted that a Conservative 
would in any case be elected, and then the King gave in. Now 
it appears that the people of Nuremberg want to elect a very 
progressively minded Herr von Stromer and that Pechmann's 
assertions were made in the air. We both agreed in an unfavour- 
able criticism of Pechmann, and Lutz declared that Pfeufer looked 
forward to being made Minister of the Interior. In this way I 
shall attain my end. In conclusion I asked him how things stood 
with my proposal regarding Hegnenberg-Dux, and received the 
welcome intelligence that the King had nothing to urge against 
it; so I hope to get Count Hegnenberg as Minister in Berlin. 
I will also make a fair copy of the proposal as to the transfer of 
the Ministry of Justice to Lutz, and give it to the King as soon as 
he comes back from Paris. 

The Prince's " programme" which had obtained the assent 
of the King and of the Ministers remaining in office, also included 
as an object to be aimed at "a single authority for the combined 
services which ensure the maintenance of public safety." 

To a query of the Prime Minister concerning the position 
of the work of preparation for this reform, the Minister of the 
Interior, Freiherr von Pechmann, replied on July n, 1867, that 
"very cogent considerations and difficulties stood in the way of 
the much-discussed transformation of the Corps of Gendarmerie 
into a civil institution at present or in the immediate future," 
and that in particular the certainty had arisen "that in the 
event of this transformation being effected the total expenses for 
the Gendarmerie (at present 1,500,000 gulden) would be not 
inconsiderably increased, and the periodical recruiting of men 
to the ranks would be very greatly endangered." The Minister 

* King Ludwig left for Paris on July 20, and returned on the 2pth. 


had thereupon decided in favour of a system according to which 
the Gendarmerie should remain a military institution, officers and 
men belonging to the military class and subject to military dis- 
cipline and justice. With respect, however, to the civil duties 
assigned to them they should be brought into "immediate rela- 
tions with the police authorities." Administrative control of the 
Gendarmerie should be transferred from the Ministry of War to 
the Ministry of the Interior, in whose budget the total expense 
for the Gendarmerie should be included. In this regulation of 
the Gendarmerie the Minister appealed to the example of Prussia 
and to experience obtained there and in other States. 

Prince Hohenlohe formulated his objections to this plan in the 
following letter written with his own hand to the Minister of 
the Interior: 

MUNICH, July 21, 1867. 

The undersigned has received his Excellency's esteemed note 
of the nth hist., and has the honour to express his most grateful 
thanks for it. He regrets, however, not to be able to express 
agreement with the proposed measure. The entire re-organisa- 
tion of the Gendarmerie is an absolute necessity, if the work of 
thorough internal reform which has been taken in hand is to be 
carried out with success; it is therefore an essential feature of 
the general policy of the Government, and for this reason the 
undersigned also considers (whilst he leaves untouched the settle- 
ment of details and the form of the arrangement, as being of course 
the proper province of the Minister of the Interior) that he is 
specially interested in the decision of the fundamental principle 
to be followed in this reform, and therefore ventures to examine 
the question more closely. 

The esteemed note of the nth inst. makes plain that his 
Excellency the Minister of the Interior, Freiherr von Pechmann, 
also considers that the transformation of the Gendarmerie into a 
civil institution is the right thing to do. The undersigned not only 
shares this view, but he is entirely convinced that the Government 
cannot enter upon the impending discussion of the budget with 
any other measure, that any attempt to retain the Gendarmerie 
as a portion of the military establishment would make the whole 
reform useless, and would besides be a perfectly futile attempt, 
certain to bring upon the Government a crushing defeat in 
the Chamber as well as in the estimation of the public. That 
the abolition of this close connection with the military and in 
particular the dismissal of the military officers would meet 
with great difficulties, the undersigned has never concealed from 
himself, but it is just this latter point with which the reform of the 
institution must above all begin; for this it is which chiefly hin- 
ders the Gendarmerie from responding to justifiable claims. It 
is such an utter anomaly to place the men appointed for police ser- 
vice and for carrying out the orders of the Administration under 


the command of superiors who are quite strange to the busi- 
ness, have no knowledge at all of police matters, do not possess 
the least experience of the service for the maintenance of public 
safety, and are not subject to the administrative authorities, that 
only the weightiest reasons should provide a motive for such a con- 
tradictory arrangement. 

Such reasons the undersigned cannot at present discern. 

Why the disappearance of the very costly apparatus of the 
commanders of a Corps of Gendarmerie, and of an additional 
number of Staff Officers, should increase the expenses of the 
Gendarmerie is not easy to see. But even if the cost of the Gen- 
darmerie by its organisation as a civil institution were to mount 
up to double as much, the Chamber would much prefer to pay 
three millions for a properly reorganised Gendarmerie than only 
half a million for the present institution. That, however, the 
present recruiting of the Gendarmerie does not provide the best 
material; that so many young inexperienced soldiers, who have 
joined the ranks more for the enjoyment of the life than for the sake 
of the service, are not the right stuff to make protectors of life and 
property: as to this there is but one voice throughout the whole 
country. Besides, if the recruiting for the Gendarmerie has 
hitherto been so difficult, then according to experience it is just 
from the disinclination of serviceable men to place themselves 
under the command of military officers and to be worried with 
drilling and other military exercises and extra duties that are per- 
fectly unnecessary to the service Police. 

After the intended reform the military organisation of the 
Gendarmerie would be reduced to the retention of military dis- 
cipline, subordination to military law, and the filling up of the 
officers' posts with officers of the line; and though even in this 
particular a concession would be made to a principle which the 
undersigned upholds, by the prospect of advancement for capable 
brigadiers. Military discipline can of course be retained with- 
out the Gendarmerie belonging to the military establishment; 
I need only refer here to the Customs officials on the frontiers. 
It is the less easy to support the maintenance of martial law, be- 
cause in future its application will be reduced to a minimum 
even in the Army. The only question that remains is whether the 
officers should belong to the police or to the military establish- 
ment. This question, however, is settled by the inevitable conces- 
sion that " whenever the officers of Gendarmerie are commanded 
to assist in civil duties, either by an order of the Minister of the 
Interior or by that of a district government, they must punctually 
comply with such orders received." To insist on a man's obedi- 
ence to some one who is not set in authority over him appears, 
however, to be contrary to reason, and therefore perfectly im- 
practicable. Whether the War Office can have any interest in 
possessing a corps which can be attached to the Army neither in 
peace nor in time of war, and which, besides, "may not be subject 


to any other military instructions than those of its own superiors," 
and therefore forms a State within the State, may fairly be doubted ; 
and it may finally be suggested that the affair should be decided 
by the inclusion of the costs of the Gendarmerie in the budget of 
the Minister of the Interior; for to place a military institution 
on the Civil Service Estimates cannot be thought of, and is at all 
events not practicable. 

The undersigned earnestly begs your Excellency to take this 
question once more into consideration. Information as to the 
attitude of the members of the Landtag will convince your Ex- 
cellency that a plan like that contemplated has not even the 
smallest prospect of success, and moreover the undersigned would 
greatly regret if this proposal were brought forward in the Council 
of Ministers and he were obliged to offer a determined opposition 
to it. 


July 24, 1867. 

After the departure of the King I was at first occupied with 
the question of North Schleswig. France has informed Berlin that 
Prussia's claim to a guarantee for the Germans * cannot be con- 
sidered well founded. Thile is uneasy about this. Denmark's 
answer to Prussia on this subject sounds evasive, yet does not 
preclude an understanding. It would be wise for Prussia not to 
push this thing to extremities. I have said this to Werthern, 
and have drawn his attention to the fact that Prussia would re- 
main very much isolated. I have also spoken about this matter 
to Lesourd, the Secretary to the French Legation, and have ad- 
vised caution. 

Meanwhile the Sultan's journey through Bavaria has been 
taking place and gave me much to do. Inquiries in London and 
Paris led to the result that the Sultan will stay at Nuremberg 
on the night of the 25th. I immediately proposed to the King 
that he should order a Prince of the Royal Family to receive the 
Sultan, and despatch me also. To this he assented. I now 
telegraphed to Ferad Pasha at Aachen, informed him of this, and 
offered a supper. The answer came that the Sultan could not 
accept the invitation to supper as he could not fix the hour of his 
arrival, but that he would be glad to see the Prince. From Count 
Piickler at Coblentz came the list of forty Turks belonging to the 
Court who had to be invited to the supper. So everything was 
made ready for the journey, and all the world was set in motion 
to arrange things suitably at Nuremberg. 

* On June 18, Prussia, by a Note of her Minister in Copenhagen, 
had declared "the necessary guarantees for the protection of the Germans" 
and the taking over of a portion of the debt of the Duchies to be the pre- 
suppositions of the provision made in the Peace of Prague (Article V.) for 
the return of the northern districts of Schleswig to Denmark. This 
led to France's intervention. 


July 25. 

Preparations having got thus far I made my way early this 
morning to the railway station, my pockets full of telegrams to 
the Head of the Administration, the commandant of the town, 
&c., which I submitted to Prince Adalbert for his approval (he was 
punctual at the railway station), and then despatched. At six 
o'clock I got into the saloon carriage with the Prince. We got on 
quite well together. The Prince is very pleasant and was exceed- 
ingly charming. His political views show much discretion. 

At Gunzenhausen I wanted a cup of coffee; on the way to 
the restaurant, however, I met the Ranger of the district, Geiger; 
he is half blind and was going to Nuremberg on account of his 
eyes, and as I could not get him away from the spot I was obliged 
to get into the train again hungry. Here I found the Prince 
before a heap of twelve sausages with much bread and a lot of 
beer. He ate all the twelve sausages ! It made me quite faint 
to see him. By twelve o'clock we were in Nuremberg. We 
had begged off the official reception. So no one was there except 
the railway staff in uniform. The Prince invited me to sit in 
the carriage with him. The people greeted us with cheers in a 
very friendly way. The Prince was much pleased with this mani- 

At one o'clock we had dinner, at which the generals were pres- 
ent. After dinner there was a siesta, as the Prince calls it. At 
four o'clock we went over the Castle. As, however, the Prince 
buried himself too deply in the torture-chambers, underground 
passages, &c., I lost myself with Moy,* and went fora walk through 
the town, which was unusually lively. All Franconia had come 
by train. When we came back to our lodgings on the 
Burg we received the intelligence that the Sultan would arrive 
at ten o'clock. 

Accordingly our drive from the Burg was arranged for nine 
o'clock. Moy and Count Kreith went in advance. I drove 
after them with the Prince in a State carriage. 

The streets were crowded with people, shoulder to shoulder. 
We waited in the Royal saloon. Punctually at ten o'clock came 
the signal that the train was approaching. It soon pulled in, 
amid the breathless excitement of the crowd. The band struck 
up. It was a long time before the train could draw up at the 
right spot to allow of the Sultan's alighting upon the carpet in front 
of the Prince. Meanwhile the public had climbed on to the roof 
of the carriages in order to see him alight, to the great annoyance 
of the Turkish Minister to Berlin, who had got out first and was 
very much displeased at this cool behaviour of the Nurem- 

At last the carriage door could be opened. The Sultan, a 
little man with a black beard and kindly black eyes, got out. The 
Prince ushered him into the waiting-room, and there made him a 
* Von Moy, Master of the Ceremonies. 


ceremonious speech in French, which Ferad Pasha translated. 
During the Prince's speech the Sultan scratched his beard and 
looked very much bored. As soon as Ferad had translated the 
speech to him he answered very softly, on which the Prince again 
said a few polite words. The Prince then presented us to the 
Sultan; when he mentioned my name the Sultan stretched out 
his hand to me, but I was standing so far away that it was only 
after an apparently shy hesitation that I could reach his hand. 
After the introductions were at an end the Sultan got into his 
carriage; at first he wanted Ferad to come with him, but the 
Prince insisted very nicely that he must have the honour of driving 
with him ; and as Ferad was obliged to keep near at hand I at once 
invited him to get into the next carriage, which had room for two. 
I sat beside him, and left Count Zech to look after the Imperial 
Princes (who had been left sitting in a carriage somewhere and 
wanted to drive away). Ferad Pasha now declared, however, 
that the premier chambellan must go with us too, so we stuffed 
him in between us. We arrived safely at last at the Bayrischer 
Hof through the frightful crush. The people behaved fairly 
well, only howled now and then and peered into the carriages 
with the greatest curiosity, and were naturally disappointed when 
they saw my Bavarian uniform instead of the expected turban. 

In the hotel the Prince went with the Sultan into a special apart- 
ment. I was likewise invited to join them. The Sultan sat on a 
sofa, crossed one leg over the other and conversed with us with 
the help of Ferad Pasha. Soon after this the Prince said: 
"I think we must go now," upon which the party broke up. 

July 26. 

The Sultan yesterday decided to stay in Nuremberg till noon 
to-day. We could therefore sleep our sleep out, which was the more 
desirable as supper with Prince Adalbert lasted till one o'clock. 

This morning early came the news that King Otto* is to 
receive extreme unction to-night. That again will make a great 
deal to do. 

At eleven o'clock I drove down with Moy. We first visited 
Ferad Pasha. Then when the Prince came I went down to 
accompany him on his farewell visit to the Sultan. The Sultan 
sat on a sofa with the Prince. A door on to the balcony was open, 
so that the neighbours and even some of the people in the street 
could see the interview. The Prince invited the Sultan to step 
on to the balcony for a minute and show himself to the people. 
There were a few cheers, but more in jest than from any particular 
enthusiasm for the Sultan, which one could hardly expect from 

Conversation was again conducted through Ferad Pasha. 

* Of Greece, who resided in Bamberg. 


The Sultan has a blase and sceptical, but friendly, appearance, 
and a great idea of his own importance. He makes quite 
the impression of a Polish landowner. His tarboosh is different 
from those I saw in the East. Apparently the fashion has 
changed. The present red caps are shaped like little flower- 
pots turned upside down and are very ugly. He wore a black 
frock-coat like a Protestant parson; so did the little ten-year-old 
Prince. At the station, whither we repaired after the visit, the 
little boy was fetched and sat in front of Prince Adalbert with a 
very grave air. 

Here the conversation dragged on for a considerable time. 
At last the announcement came that everything was ready. The 
Prince accompanied the Sultan to the carriage, and there took 
his leave. The Sultan shook hands with me also, got in, and 
after some delay the train departed. On the way from the station 
to the train I again drove with Ferad Pasha. I asked him about 
his political impressions. He thought people in general were 
very peaceably inclined. The Schleswig question alone gave 
him some anxiety. The King of Prussia, however, had expressed 
himself in a very peaceful manner. 

In his Eastern fashion he spoke very flatteringly to me, said he 
had been very glad to have made the acquaintance of un des 
hommes les plus distingues de V Allemagne ; whereupon I fired 
off the reply at his head that I had earnestly desired de faire 
la connaissance de Vhomme d'etat qui depuis bien des annees avail 
pu conduire la politique de Vempire Ottoman avec tant de talent 
et de succes. 

Prince Adalbert finally commissioned me to draw up a tele- 
gram for him informing the King of the result of our mission and 
the remerciments sinceres of the Sultan. 

Then at one o'clock dinner, and at 4.20 our departure for 
Munich, with which this interesting episode concluded. 

No better news of King Otto. 

On the return journey to Nordlingen I received a telegram 
stating that King Otto had died at 6.15 P.M. 

MUNICH, August 5, 1687. 

Yesterday I was commanded to go to the King at Berg at 
twelve o'clock. In the train I found the Minister from Reuss, 
Herr von Schmertzing, who had an audience for the same hour. 
At Starnberg we found an open carriage, which took us 
to Berg. Herr von Schmertzing was very much surprised 
at the countrified appearance of the Royal establishment. 
The whole arrangement of the Court is almost bourgeois. The 
passages are always swarming with scullery- maids and women 
carrying all sorts of household utensils. Sauer* met us on the 
steps. While the Minister from Reuss was with the King I went 
to Ministerial Councillor Lutz to ask him about the Ministry. 
* Von Sauer, the Aide-de-camp. 


The resignation of Pechmann appears to have fallen into the back- 
ground. As for the Minister of Justice, he showed me a long list of 
all the possible candidates whom he had discussed with the King. 
The chief candidates are Neumayr, Steyrer, Seuffert, and Metz. 
Neumayr and Metz are unacceptable to me, because they belong to 
the coterie of wire-pullers. Steyrer is dull. Seuffert also is not 
suitable. The delegates who were mentioned here, like Hohenadel, 
Streit, Stenglein, &c., are all impossible persons; I remain con- 
vinced that Lutz is the only one who suits me. He is an 
able, energetic man. In his political views he agrees entirely 
with me, and I should find him a support in the Council of 
Ministers. I therefore told Lutz that I should propose him to 
the King. 

Soon after this I was summoned to the audience. The King 
was very gracious. He informed me at once that the Queen 
of Greece had measles, therefore I need not go to Bamberg. 
Then we began to speak about the Greek question,* whereupon I 
informed him of Tauffkirchen's proposal, according to which the 
affair should be discussed in St. Petersburg ; in this he concurred. 
He attaches no value to the whole business and wants to let it 

I now told him that Napoleon is coming to Salzburg on ac- 
count of the Mexican catastrophe, read him a letter from Donniges 
which speaks about the German sympathies of the Emperor 
Napoleon, and then touched upon Hegnenberg, to whose ap- 
pointment to Berlin the King agrees,f upon Holnstein's journey 
to Dessau, and other matters. Finally I produced my proposal 
regarding the Ministry of Justice, suggesting Lutz's name. I 
asked whether I might give him this directly, as it would not be 
suitable to let Lutz himself give it to him. He consented to this, 
but said he could not dispense with Lutz. To which I replied 
that I had written out the proposal as an acquit de conscience, 
and could leave it with him. When I was taking my leave he 
spoke again about Paris, told me how the Emperor had warned 
him not to engage himself too deeply with Prussia, and then dis- 
missed me with greetings to my wife, to whom he sent a bou- 
quet. I then went downstairs again, breakfasted with Herr 
von Schmertzing and Sauer, and then travelled back to 

The talk also turned upon Paumgarten. The King thought 
Paumgarten should be appointed Minister in London, whilst 
I mentioned Count Hompesch, who also seems to stand high in 
favour. It would not be displeasing to him to send Donniges 
to Italy, but I told him that I would examine into this more 

* Financial claims by King Ludwig I. on the Greek Government from 
the time of the Bavarian dynasty. 

f Count Hegnenberg-Dux declined the post at Berlin, whereupon Freiherr 
von Perglas, till then in Paris, was appointed to Berlin. 


Report to the KING. 

MUNICH, August 4, 1867. 

If your most obedient servant, the undersigned, may venture to 
touch upon a question which lies outside the sphere of his official 
duties, he hopes your Majesty will excuse this step with the gra- 
cious reflection that your obedient servant, as President of the 
Council of Ministers, is obliged to set before your Majesty such 
obstacles as may impede the profitable action of the Council of 
Ministers. Among such obstacles must be reckoned the continued 
vacancy of the Ministry of Justice, though he very well knows 
that insuperable difficulties prevented an earlier appointment of 
a new Minister. 

Now, however, the consultation over the new civil proceed- 
ings is nearing its end in the legislative committee of the Chamber 
of Deputies. Before the final arrangement is made the responsible 
chief of the Department of Justice should examine into this once 
more, in order fully to protect the interests of the Government; 
apart from this, too, the Minister of Justice cannot be absent from 
the negotiations in committee of the Upper House. The draft- 
ing of the budget cannot be postponed any longer, and cannot 
possibly be carried out on behalf of the Ministry of Justice by any 
one else so suitably as by the man who has to defend it in the 
Chamber. Finally, however unimportant the matter may be 
itself, a speedy decision is necessitated by the impending Congress 
of Jurists ; for very scathing criticism of Bavaria will certainly be 
provoked, if when the time comes for the assembly the Depart- 
ment of Justice still lacks a presiding chief. 

All these reasons have induced your Majesty's most faithful 
subject to seek a suitable person whom he could propose to 
your Majesty for nomination to the vacant office. Undeniably 
the selection is extremely difficult. For although it is above 
all requisite that the future Minister of Justice should be a thor- 
ough lawyer and man of business recognised as such not only 
by those colleagues who are in close contact with him, but by wider 
circles as well yet the undersigned is of opinion that these quali- 
ties alone would not suffice. 

Bavarian law and judicial administration are themselves 
in need of complete and radical reform. Only a really energetic 
man, who knows how to be strict without being tyrannical, will 
be equal to this difficult task, and, moreover, only a man whose 
official life has not blinded him to the faults and shortcomings 
of his profession, who understands the needs of the present day 
with regard to a popular administration of justice, free from the 
ancient routine of tradition. 

However, it is the opinion of your Majesty's most faithful 
servant, that all this would not suffice if the Minister of Justice 
were not at the same time a person who would deal 
with the country's representatives on a basis of confidence, 


and one who might hope to count on their support in carrying 
the inevitable financial and disciplinary measures through the 

Finally, the general political situation undoubtedly requires 
that the man who enters the Ministry should be in accord with 
the other Ministers, and therefore on this ground alone it would 
be inadvisable to select a person from any party representing 
extreme views in one direction or another. 

Should your Majesty's most faithful servant now sum up 
what, according to his deepest conviction, is required of the 
future Minister of Justice, and should he pass in review 
all the higher legal officials who could possibly be taken into 
consideration, he would feel constrained after mature reflec- 
tion to designate Ministerial Councillor Lutz as the most eligible 
candidate. As your Majesty has known him for years, 
the undersigned can afford to be brief, and need, indeed, no 
more than cursorily allude to the fact that he would be a 
Minister who would have the preservation of Bavaria's inde- 
pendence much at heart, as also that he possesses the requisite 
energy and strength of will to carry out the prescribed legal 
reforms. As regards his special qualifications in the practice 
of law, Herr von Lutz has won a high reputation, not only in 
Bavaria but throughout the German legal world, by his 
prominent share in the deliberations concerning the German 
code of commercial law, and your Majesty's most faithful 
subject furthermore feels it incumbent on him to observe that 
Councillor von Lutz is inaccessible to the spirit of coterie and 
personal intrigue occasionally discernible in the higher official 
circles of the law, so that in this matter also he would be 
the very man to take stringent measures. Your Majesty's most 
faithful subject does not ignore the fact that the proposal to 
withdraw so loyal and reliable a worker from your Majesty's 
immediate service is in no slight degree exacting, yet neverthe- 
less, the conviction that the interests of your Majesty impera- 
tively require the post to be filled by a thoroughly competent man, 
renders it the duty of your Majesty's most faithful subject, 
the undersigned, to put forward this most humble proposal. 


MUNICH, August 23, 1867. 

After the Emperor Napoleon's wish to see me at the station* 
had been communicated to me yesterday by the French Minister, 
and furthermore, after receiving the King's command last 
evening to convey his greetings to the Emperor and Empress, 
I repaired to the station at a quarter to twelve in the forenoon 
to await the train. 

* On the return journey from Salzburg, where the meeting with the 
Emperor of Austria had taken place, lasting from August 18-23. On 
August 17 King Ludwig had received the Emperor at Augsburg. 

VOL. i R 


It arrived punctually. General Fleury immediately inquired 
if I was there, and as soon as the door was unlocked I was invited 
by the Emperor to get in. After greetings had been exchanged, 
and he had expressed his gratitude to his Majesty the King 
for the reception accorded him in Bavaria, the Emperor re- 
marked that he still took a keen interest in Bavaria, having 
spent his youth there. I took the opportunity of reminding 
him that he had already expressed this sentiment many years 
before in Paris, when I had had the honour of being presented 
to him. 

He then took me apart to the window of the compartment, 
and opened the political conversation with these words : " Vous 
trouvez beaucoup de difficultes ?" I replied that the position of 
the secondary States was certainly a difficult one. "The Press 
must also be taken into account," the Emperor continued. To 
which I replied : "La presse chez nous est encore tres peu civilisee." 

He answered, laughing: "Oui, chez nous aussi elle riest 
pas tres civilisee." 

Then he continued seriously that he hoped peace would be 
preserved. He was always in favour of peace; mankind 
required peace, and the idea of the expansion and strengthen- 
ing of one country being a menace to a neighbouring State 
est passee de mode. Certainly much depended on Prussia. 
Public opinion was easily exasperated in France, and the 
question was whether Prussia wished to expand still further 
the North German Confederation. I then recalled to him, that 
Bismarck had himself declared that he did not want us. "Oui, 
M. de Bismarck" replied the Emperor, "m'a aussi parle avec 
beaucoup de moderation, mais," he added with a smile, "il 
pretend que ce sont les etats du midi qui le jorcent a oiler plus 
loin." I replied that this pressure emanated from one party, 
and that as regards admission to the North German Federation 
there was, generally speaking, indifference. 

Hereupon, gazing at me half interrogatively he said: 
"Je regrette que vous rfayez pu former la confederation 
des etats du midi de V Allemagne. Mais c'etait impossible?" 
Without entering more minutely into the question, I referred 
to the material interests which unite us with North Germany, 
and remarked that the reason of this aversion to a South German 
Federation lay partly in the dread that these material interests 
might be injured thereby. He then reiterated assurances of 
peace, and I seized the opportunity of remarking that a union 
of Austria, Prussia, and the rest of Germany, and an alliance 
of this Confederation with France, was certainly the best means 
of preserving peace and protecting civilisation; which the 
Emperor seemed to receive favourably, for he said: "Oui, la 
civilisation est bien menacee." He spoke further of the dangers 
of the social movement, and then terminated the conversation. 

Thereupon the Empress appeared, and talked to me about 


my brother * and my sister-in-law in Salzburg, about my family, 
&c., and thence arose a more extended conversation concerning 
the leave of absence allowed to Ministers, until the Emperor 
came with the reminder that it was time to start. He regretted 
being unable to converse longer with me, commissioned me to 
express his thanks to the King, and hereupon I got out. There 
had also been in the carriage the French Minister and his wife 
and Herr von Radowitz,f who enjoys the special favour of the 
Imperial Court. 


KARLSRUHE, August 29, 1867. 

Such a long period has elapsed since you were good enough 
to write to me, that I almost hesitate to refer again to the 
subjects then touched upon. Yet thanks can never come 
too late, and I therefore still hope that you will be kind enough 
to accept mine to-day, belated as they are. An entire change 
of circumstances has, however, meanwhile come about, and 
the Luxembourg question which then disturbed us has already 
given way to others. 

It seems to me that the state of affairs in South-West Germany 
has undergone improvement by the renewal and revision of 
the Zollverein. We have, at least, forged firmer ties with 
North Germany, and hence can, in a political sense, develop 
still better relations. This prospect appears to me to have 
given an undeniable impulse to the Salzburg meeting. The 
prevention of an alliance between South-West and North Germany 
is the subject of constant anxiety in Paris, as I have personally 
assured myself. 

The attitude of the South German Governments will be of 
decisive importance in the further development of Franco- 
Austrian plans. We shall perhaps soon be in a position to 
reply to preliminary questions, and therefore the tasks with 
which we both began our first business intercourse again come 
before us. 

Having regard to these possible future tasks, it seemed to 
me important to direct your attention to a circumstance whose 
advantages I regard as so conspicuous that I will not delay 
affording you the possibility of utilising it. 

When the King of Wurtemberg went to Paris, I met him 
en route, and he then spoke to me of his wish to meet the King 
of Prussia, should the latter come to our country as usual late 
in the summer. As the King of Wiirtemberg generally 
resides in Friedrichshafen until the end of September, I offered 

*The Austrian Comptroller of the Household, Prince Konstantin zu 

t Councillor of Legation to the Prussian Mission. 


to bring about the meeting in question, should the King of 
Prussia realise his intention of spending Queen Augusta's birth- 
day at Schloss Mainau. I promised at once to acquaint the 
King of Wiirtemberg, should the plans of their Prussian 
Majesties remain unchanged. At present it is very probable 
that these intentions will be realised, as the King of Prussia is 
expected in Baden-Baden very soon. 

It is needless to say how gratifying it would be if the King 
of Bavaria could make up his mind to seize this opportunity of 
likewise paying a visit to the King of Prussia on the Lake 
of Constance. On the other hand, I will not delay in sub- 
mitting this question for your earnest consideration, and thereby 
give you the assurance that I should consider myself fortunate 
in affording the King the requisite opportunity at Castle Mainau. 
The distance from Hohenschwangau and Lindau is not great, 
and from Lindau the King could pay a visit to Castle Mainau 
and back in one day. I need not say that should the King be 
pleased to stay longer with us it would be a great pleasure. 

Therefore I place my good offices, as also my hospitality, 
at your King's disposal, and should be glad if you, too, would 
participate. Meanwhile I think I must leave it to you alone 
whether to utilise my ideas or no. You would greatly oblige 
me if you would give me an early hint concerning the possible 
acceptance of my proposal, so that I might put myself betimes 
in communication with the King of Prussia. The Queen of 
Prussia's birthday is on September 30, and both their Majesties 
go to Hohenzollern first. 

I trust you will not misunderstand my intention, and will 
remain convinced of the extreme esteem of 
Your affectionate friend, 


Report to the KING. 

AUSSEE, September i, 1867. 

Your Majesty's most faithful subject, the undersigned, 
with his humble duty, has the honour to report that he has 
received a communication from the Grand Duke of Baden, in 
which he proposes a meeting between your Majesty and the 
Kings of Prussia and of Wiirtemberg. 

Your Majesty's most obedient servant considers himself 
bound to lay this letter before your Majesty, as best able to 
judge in how far a proposal of the kind accords with your Royal 

If it is permitted to the undersigned to express an opinion, 
he permits himself to remark with the greatest respect that the 
meeting with the King of Prussia and the visit to the Island 
of Mainau, in the company of the King of Wiirtemberg, offer 
many advantages. Apart from the object of maintaining the 
friendly relations of your Majesty with the Court of Prussia, 


the presence of your Majesty at the meeting of the South 
German Monarchs would prevent the inception of biassed 
schemes, which are in opposition to the intentions and the 
interest of your Majesty. 

While submitting everything to the wise judgment of your 
Majesty, your Majesty's most faithful subject, the undersigned, 
begs for your Majesty's august commands as to the answer 
which he is to send to the Grand Duke's letter. 


KARLSRUHE, September 5, 1867. 

From your kind reply of September I received to-day, I 
gather with gratitude that you gladly entertain my proposal. 
So I hasten to let you know that a letter received to-day from 
the King of Prussia informs me that he would be much 
pleased if his Majesty the King of Bavaria would pay him 
a visit during his sojourn with us. The King, too, considers 
Mainau a suitable spot for this meeting. He will in all 
likelihood visit Baden soon after the opening of the Reichstag, 
stay there a few days, and then come to Mainau. The days 
have not yet been fixed, but are sure to be arranged soon, and 
then I will at once let you know. 

But now I still have a question : Do you think it right, and 
in furtherance of the event, that I should myself write to the 
King of Bavaria and invite him to Mainau? I would in this 
case say to the King that as the King of Wiirtemberg wished 
to come in order to visit the King of Prussia, it appeared to 
me a duty to afford him the opportunity of taking a similar 
step in a pleasant way, &c. I should be grateful if you would 
communicate to me your opinion thereon. 


HOHENSCHWANGAU, September 10, 1867. 

The day following your communication of the beginning 
of this month came your Highness's communication to his 
Majesty the King, as well as the annexed letter from the 
Grand Duke of Baden. I need scarcely write to your Serene 
Highness in detail concerning the reception of the matter at 
the critical point. That I was prepared for the need of 
much eloquence if the invitation to Mainau was to be accepted, 
your Serene Highness can easily imagine. And indeed I have 
not neglected to bring forward all the reasons in favour of a 
journey to Mainau, more especially the motive which your 
Serene Highness was kind enough to suggest to me, furnished 
by the zeal of Herr von Varnbiiler but up to the present in 
vain. Until to-day the considerations for and against were 


being weighed daily; the reasons against the journey were, 
however, brought out by his Majesty with such insistence, 
and so much importance was attached to them that I finally 
received orders to-day to communicate to your Highness his 
Majesty's decision to refuse the invitation to Mainau with 
thanks. His Majesty has, at the same time, commanded me 
to add the following : according to his Majesty, it is undoubtedly 
to be inferred from the date of the invitation and the motives 
of the Grand Duke that the meeting at Mainau was intended 
as a political demonstration against the meeting at Salzburg, 
and this probably implies that the South German Princes desired 
to proclaim loudly to the whole world their dislike of a Franco- 
Austrian alliance, or of any French or Austrian interference 
in German affairs, whilst, on the other hand, they wished to 
attest their adherence to Prussia, as well as to the endeavours 
to unite South Germany with North Germany, and this in 
spite of the danger of France or Austria taking it amiss. The 
sense in which this declaration of defiance was interpreted 
by the Grand Duke is sufficiently explained by the Speech from 
the Throne in Baden.* Now, far from being disposed to seek 
a Franco-Austrian alliance, Bavaria will, on the contrary, 
staunchly and faithfully abide by the alliance already concluded; 
nevertheless, his Majesty is unable to take the Grand Duke's 
point of view, since the Salzburg meeting does not seem to 
offer sufficient ground for a declaration of defiance against 
the other Powers, would furthermore tend to unite Bavaria 
more closely to Prussia than is necessary, and only encourage 
the latter in further encroachments. In Berlin itself the affair 
appears to be viewed more calmly now than at first, as is apparent 
from the moderate language of the official Press. Moreover, 
further propositions might easily be made at Mainau, a refusal 
to which might indeed produce more unpleasant results than 
the avoidance of an opportunity for their advancement. 

I may add that his Majesty would have no objection, in 
fact that it would be pleasing to his Majesty, if your Serene 
Highness would go to Mainau, possibly taking Councillor von 
Volderndorf with you. If your Serene Highness asks me how 
this is to be interpreted, I can but point to the conclusion of 
your letter, where it says: "If his Majesty were to despatch 
me alone, it would not serve the purpose." All endeavours 
to interpret this passage in the sense that your designs would 
not be furthered by associating Volderndorf with yourself 
have failed to gain the point. I re-enclose the Grand Duke's 
letter, having retained a copy in case of need. If your Serene 

* In his Speech from the Throne of September 5 the Grand Duke said : 
"The . . . treaties of peace have . . . placed Prussia at the head of the 
North German Federation, and have left the Southern States free 
to enter into a national union with this Federation. It is my firm deter- 
mination to strive unceasingly towards the consummation of this union." 


Highness would once more recur to the matter in a report, a 
different result might possibly be achieved. This, however, is 
merely my private opinion. 

As regards the Minister of Justice, I hope to be able to report 
definitely during the next few days.* 

Report to the KING. 

AUSSEE, September 13, 1867. 

In a letter from your Majesty's private secretary, your 
Majesty's most faithful subject, the undersigned, has received 
commands to refuse with thanks the meeting with the Kings of 
Prussia and Wiirtemberg contrived by the Grand Duke of Baden. 

Your Majesty's most faithful subject will at once carry out 
this command, and at the same time ventures respectfully to 
report that according to a telegram received yesterday from 
titular Privy Councillor Daxemberger, the King of Wiirtemberg 
has refused the joint meeting with the King of Prussia, but 
has, on the other hand, reserved to himself to visit the King of 
Prussia alone at Mainau. Hereby the supposition on which the 
most respectful proposal of the ist inst. was based falls to the 
ground, and supplies a suitable reason for refusing. 

Meantime, after the receipt yesterday by the undersigned 
of a communication from the Grand Duke (concerning your 
Majesty's most faithful subject's provisional intimation that he 
would make a report to your Majesty), in which the Grand Duke 
writes: "I hasten to acquaint you that a letter from the King of 
Prussia informs me to-day that it would give him great pleasure 
if his Majesty the King of Bavaria would visit him during his 
stay with us." The undersigned humbly submits to your 
Majesty's august judgment, whether your Majesty would think 
fit to pay a visit from that to be paid by the King of Prussia, 
at a different time to the King of Wiirtemberg; it would in 
this case only entail an act of courtesy without any political sig- 
nificance. How far this would bear the character of a return 
for the visit paid to your Majesty by the King of Prussia, your 
Majesty's most faithful subject is incapable of judging, by 
reason of his ignorance of previous events, and, moreover, he 
considers that he should refrain from further criticism of a 
matter which now tends to assume the character of a question 
of etiquette. 


AUSSEE, September 13, 1867. 

Your Royal Highness's gracious communication of the 5th 
inst. was received by me simultaneously with his Majesty the 

* The appointment of Councillor Lutz as Minister of Justice took place 
on September 16, simultaneously with the appointment of Commissioner of 
Police Lipowsky as Private Secretary to the King. 


King's reply to my report as to the meeting with his Majesty the 
King of Prussia. His Majesty commands me to thank your 
Royal Highness heartily for the kind proposal to arrange a 
meeting with the Kings of Prussia and Wiirtemberg. Now, how- 
ever, that news has been received of his Majesty the King of 
Wiirtemberg's refusal, and of his determination to pay a separate 
visit to his Majesty the King of Prussia, his Majesty considers that 
he also is not in a position to accept your Royal Highness' s kind 

I have now conveyed the contents of your Royal Highness' s 
last communication to his Majesty the King, and begged his 
Majesty to come to a conclusion concerning a possible separate 

As regards your Royal Highness's question, I can indeed 
scarcely anticipate your Royal Highness's decision, yet consider- 
ing the turn which the matter of the meeting of the Monarchs 
has now taken, I think it best respectfully to advise your Royal 
Highness not to send an invitation to my most gracious master 
his Majesty the King. If it is possible to determine the King 
to visit his Majesty the King of Prussia and your Royal Highness, 
I will take the necessary steps. If later on I consider an invita- 
tion from your "Royal Highness advisable, I presume I may ven- 
ture to recur to the matter. 

Report to the KING. 

MUNICH, September 19, 1867. 

From your Majesty's private secretary's communication, 
your Majesty's most faithful subject, the undersigned, learns 
that your Majesty intends to return the King of Prussia's visit 
at a suitable date in Berlin, and not at Mainau. That your 
Majesty's most obedient servant should venture to recur to the 
subject is due to the feeling of responsibility which his position 
imposes on him, and which renders it his duty to safeguard 
your Majesty's interests to the best of his ability. 

He therefore ventures respectfully to submit the following 
considerations : 

Great dissatisfaction would be aroused by the omission 
of this visit (which would be a return visit from your Majesty 
according to the deduction that the undersigned believes must be 
drawn from Councillor Lutz's communication), for the Grand 
Duke of Baden and the King of Prussia have reckoned positively 
on your Majesty's visit, as is obvious from the Grand Duke's 
letter; and the Grand Duke's communication enclosed in this 
report appears to be written in the same tenor. 

Herewith the question acquires political significance, and 
your Majesty's most faithful subject dares not conceal from 
your Majesty his fear that, in view of the position which 
Prussia now occupies in Germany, and of the means which 


are at the disposal of the Prussian Government, this dissatisfac- 
tion on the part of the Prussian Monarch might be fraught 
with the most serious consequences for your Majesty, and also 
for Bavaria. 

Occasions and circumstances may arise when your Majesty 
may stand in need of the friendly sentiments of the King 
of Prussia, and these occasions may arise so soon that a delay 
in re-establishing friendly relations seems very much to be 

The undersigned cannot, therefore, refrain from advising 
your Majesty as respectfully as urgently in your Majesty's 
own august interest, to pay a visit to Mainau. 

Should your Majesty decide otherwise, your most faithful 
subject believes that he has acted up to his duty in making 
this dutiful representation, and can refuse responsibility for all 
consequences which the omission of the suggested visit will 
bring about. 


KARLSRUHE, September 23, 1867. 

Accept my best thanks for your kind letter of the i3th hist., 
from which I was glad to gather that you have not yet quite 
given up hopes of inducing the King of Bavaria to pay a separate 
visit to his august uncle. I much regret that my proposal for a 
simultaneous meeting between the three Monarchs caused ex- 
pressions of hesitancy to reach Munich from Stuttgart, and that 
this prevented your King carrying out an arrangement which 
would be so unobjectionable, considering the near relationship 
of the King of Prussia. 

In support of your efforts, I therefore permit myself to 
communicate the following information concerning the plans of 
their Majesties of Prussia. 

On September 27 the King arrives at Schloss Mainau, and 
remains until October 2, on which day he will start on his journey 
to Hohenzollern. On October i the King will be with us and 
receive the visit of the King of Wiirtemberg, and it is probable 
that during the next few days they will return this visit at Fried - 
richshafen, on their way to Hohenzollern. 

So the possibility still remains of your King paying the 
King of Prussia a separate visit at Mainau or in Hohenzollern, 
or may be in Sigmaringen. The stay in this Principality will 
certainly occupy three days, and my uncle, the Prince of Hohen- 
zollern, will, of course, be delighted to have your King as his guest. 
For this, too, I undertake to make any necessary arrangements. 

I trust that in this communication you will only recognise 
the intention of being as useful as possible to you in the execution 
of your difficult office. 



MUNICH, September 30, 1867. 

I have not been able until now to answer your Royal Highness' s 
most gracious communication of the 23rd inst., as the decision 
of the King, my most gracious master, had not come in, and 
I had not quite given up hope that the journey to Mainau might 
yet take place. Meanwhile, it has been decided in the negative, 
and I can only beg your Royal Highness to allow me to 
curtail the expression of my regret, and to dispense me from 
entering into details concerning the reasons of the decision. 

The final result of the Prince's efforts was that King Ludwig 
decided to meet the King of Prussia in Bavarian territory on his 
return journey, which took him from Sigmaringen to Nuremberg. 
The meeting took place between four and six o'clock in the 
afternoon of October 6, 1867, in the Augsburg railway station. 

On September 28 the Chambers met. Their first task was 
the consideration of the new Zollverein agreement. 

Speech o) the PRINCE in the Chamber oj Deputies, 
October 8, 1867. 

Gentlemen, The proposals which you have just accepted 
are certainly the most important which have been submitted 
for your discussion during the session of the present Chamber. 
Their great political importance seem to justify me in taking 
occasion to say a few words about the foreign policy of the 
Government, and especially about our position as regards the 
German question. 

On the last occasion on which I had opportunity of 
addressing you on this question, you received me in this 
honourable House with such a high measure of flattering con- 
fidence that I should fear its loss if I were not now ready, after 
the lapse of nearly a year, to give you an unreserved account 
of the action of the Government in a matter which touches 
the national feeling of the German people as profoundly as it 
trenches upon its material interests. 

I shall try to prove to you and also to the country 
that the Government has not lost sight of these aims, 
which I then indicated as those of Bavarian policy, that it 
has ceaselessly striven to attain them; also that it has not 
given up hopes of success, and therewith hope for the future 
of Germany and Bavaria. I know that these efforts have been 
declared insufficient by some, that the course has been regarded 
as set, the goal easy to reach, and that the admission of South 


Germany to the North German Federation is regarded as the 
simplest solution of the German question. 

Gentlemen, if even at the time when only the rough draft 
of the North German Federal Constitution was known, the 
Government held it to be incompatible with its duty to try 
to bring about unconditional admission to the North German 
Federation, admission, that is, without previous alteration of 
the Federal Constitution, so much the more does it now maintain 
that attitude, when this constitution is definitive, and no alteration 
is contemplated. 

Reasons of home and foreign policy have caused Prussia 
to include the North German States under a form of constitu- 
tion to which one cannot deny the merit of paving the way 
for the political unity of North Germany, but which precisely 
on this account may more and more differ in its evolution from 
the character of a Federal Constitution in the exact definition 
of the term. 

I have certainly acknowledged that no federal conditions 
can suffice for national requirements unless the individual 
contracting parties make the required sacrifices for the fur- 
therance of the common weal; but the amount of the sacrifice 
which admission to the North German Federation would demand 
from South German States does not correspond to the degree 
of independence which these States are justified in desiring, 
and are, so far as I can see, in overwhelming majority determined 
upon maintaining. 

The free constitutional evolution of South Germany, as it has 
shaped itself during fifty years, affords the South German people 
the right and the power of thus deciding. 

The question how far the Nikolsburg preliminaries and the 
Peace of Prague would supply just ground for trying to extend 
the North German Federal Constitution to the whole of Germany 
may, therefore, be properly passed over here. However, 
these treaties have been concluded with due consideration 
for actual relations between the Powers, and their importance 
cannot be ignored by any one called upon to take the facts in 
question into account, and who is bound to avoid everything 
which might lead the destiny of our Fatherland into unforeseen 

Besides, the Prussian Government has itself explained that 
it demands union with the South, by no means on a similar 
basis to that upon which union with the North German States 
reposes. It only demands an unequivocal statement by the 
combined nations which would both afford the certainty that 
the Southern States had not yielded to hostile tendencies against 
North Germany, and that the well-being of the collective material 
interests of the German people would be guaranteed by joint 
systematic arrangements. 

Consequently, when reasons of foreign policy as well as a 


consideration for the preservation of the independence of the 
country made the union of Bavaria with the German North 
appear impossible on the basis of the North German Federal 
Constitution, those holding office under Government had to 
seek other means of effecting this union. For the Government 
could and would not shirk the task, which was denned by me 
on January 23 in these words : 

"By a unification in conformity with treaties, to render 
possible a German coalition on a basis compatible with the 
integrity of State and Crown." 

Here three different courses were conceivable. 

First, the formation of two Federal States, a South German 
to correspond to the North German, with joint means for 
certain specified objects. 

Secondly, an international federation of all separate German 
States, analogous to the former German Federal Constitution. 

Thirdly, an international union of the South German States 
with the North German Confederation. 

Against the attempt at a constitutional association of an 
independent South German Federal State with the North German, 
the aversion of those States with whom Bavaria had to found 
this South German Federal State bore witness. Ranged against 
it were the clumsiness of an organisation which would have con- 
tained the germ of discontent, and finally the danger of further 
widening the breach between North and South Germany. 

The international union of all German States on the basis 
of a treaty according to international law had become im- 
possible owing to the dissolution of the former German Con- 
federation, and owing to the North German Federal State 
which had just been called into life. It could not be expected 
that Prussia would renounce the North German Federal Con- 
stitution, the fruit of her victories. 

So nothing remained for the Government but to labour 
towards the reunion of Germany, while acknowledging existing 

These facts were before them: the retirement of Austria 
from the Confederation, that close corporation the North German 
Federal State, and the abandonment of the South German 
States to their own resources. 

Therefore the way to an international union of the latter 
with the North German Federation was clearly indicated. 

The provisos for the attainment of a satisfactory issue in 
this direction were perceived by the Government to lie in the 
common agreement of the South German States regarding the 
necessary steps to be taken, and the concessions to be made 
in order to create a practical, efficient alliance with the North. 
In view of this, as soon as I had taken over the management 
of affairs the Government began diplomatic negotiations, 
which referred primarily to common action concerning the 


measures rendered necessary by a loyal fulfilment of the alliance 
with Prussia for defence and offence. 

You are aware that on this account a meeting of the South 
German Ministers took place at Stuttgart, and that a series of 
important arrangements were there agreed upon with regard to 
military organisation, and I hope that the military conferences, 
then fixed for the month of October, and consequently soon about 
to assemble here, will still further develop the steady organisation 
of the South German armed forces. 

No sooner was this result achieved, than political negotia- 
tions also were begun. I need scarcely state that these negotia- 
tions were accompanied by great difficulties difficulties which 
were augmented not a little by the critical state of the Luxem- 
bourg question. 

It would lead us too far to set forth in detail the course and 
phases of these transactions; briefly to characterise the general 
result, these have led to a provisional understanding of the basis 
on which to confer with the North German Confederation. 

Concurrently the idea of an alliance of this Federal State 
with Austria has always been kept in view as a necessary comple- 
ment to the national aspirations. 

Gentlemen, far be it from me to ignore recent events, or to 
identify myself with vain efforts to undo the past. Now, as ever, 
I am of opinion that a Constitutional Confederacy of South Ger- 
man States under the leadership of Austria is impossible. Yet 
on that point I do not hesitate to declare that neither Austria 
nor France has made any suggestions or proposals in this 
direction. But the less need there now is to fear an irre- 
mediable separation of Germany into a North and a South 
Germany, the more stringent is the obligation laid upon us 
not to exclude Austria, the natural ally of Prussia, and of 
the whole of South Germany, from following that path which 
alone can guarantee the peace of Europe upon the firmest 

These considerations cannot fail to influence those general 
outlines to which the Government deemed it necessary to adhere 
in a conjoint constitution. These general outlines may be com- 
prehensively defined thus: the subjects contained in Articles III. 
and IV. of the original rough draft for the Federal Constitution 
and therefore presenting no inconsiderable sphere of legislation and 
administration were declared to be of common interest and 
to be treated as federal matters, whilst as to the rest, the union 
was to bear the character of a confederation under Prussian 

Whilst these negotiations were proceeding, the Government 
received an invitation to take part in the Berlin Tariff Conference. 
The Government was the less able to absent itself as it was pledged 
thereto by the decisions of the Berlin Treaties of Peace, and also 
by its solicitude for the country's material welfare. 


The treaty resulting from this conference is now submitted 
for your consideration. 

You will readily perceive that the conditions on which Prussia 
made the maintenance of the Zollverein contingent could not but 
influence the further development of the work which had been 
begun. The Government had necessarily to wait for the new or- 
ganisation of the Zollverein to come into force with its resultant 
consequences, ere it was possible to judge of the form in which 
the proposed confederacy could be carried into effect side by 
side with it. 

Therefore the Government cannot regard its task as com- 
pleted. Now, as ever, it will persist in that policy which alone it 
recognises as the right one. In union with its South German 
confederates, and with due regard to existing treaties, it will en- 
deavour to establish the national alliance with North Germany 
on the basis already gained. 

The Government is, however, conscious of the responsibilities 
imposed upon it by the duty of maintaining Bavaria's administra- 
tive independence, and by the critical situation of Europe. Con- 
sequently the course to be pursued by the Government is clear. 
I will endeavour to indicate this course as simply and clearly as 

We do not desire the admission of Bavaria into the North Ger- 
man Confederation, we wish for no constitutional alliance of the 
South German States under the leadership of Austria; we want 
no South- West German Confederation, entirely isolated, or pos- 
sibly even protected by a non- German Power. As little do we 
wish to pursue a policy suitable for a great Power, neither do 
we believe that the final end of Bavarian policy is to be sought in 
the role of mediator. 

This is what we do not desire. 

What, on the other hand, we do desire, and what we shall 
henceforth aim at, is the national alliance of the South German 
States with the North German Confederation, and thereby the 
unification of the now divided Germany in the form of a con- 
federation. This is identical with the concessions of the Nikols- 
burg preliminaries and the Peace of Prague. 

Gentlemen, I do not say union of Bavaria with the North 
German Confederation, I say the union of the South German 
States. And I am desirous that there should be absolute clearness 
on this point. As matters stand at present, it is my conviction 
that it would be neither politically sound nor expedient, nor even 
let no illusions be harboured feasible by peaceable means 
for separate States south of the Main to enter into closer union 
with North Germany. 

The national tie, which has yet to be forged between us and 
the North German Confederation, must embrace the entire South. 
Only in this form is it either permissible or at the present time even 


Herewith, gentlemen, I have expounded the fundamental 
principles on which I have hitherto conducted the foreign policy 
of Bavaria, and have indicated the goal which the Government is 
striving towards. 

During the discussion of the proposals laid before you to-day 
you will have an opportunity of declaring whether or not the 
course adopted by the Government is in conformity with the views 
of the country. 

Whatever judgment you may, however, pronounce on my 
political labours, you will at any rate agree with me that there 
must be no severance of the tie which guarantees the vital interests 
of Germany, and without which the idea of a national alliance 
of any kind whatsoever cannot be entertained. 

The Prince's speech was well received in Berlin. The Minis- 
terial Provinzial-Korrespondenz discerned a sincere national as- 
piration in the Prince's declaration, and hoped that the Bavarian 
Premier's policy would produce important results in the further 
development of the German question. Prussia would attach 
less importance to the names under which national relations were 
fostered than to actual unifying association in the discharge of 
practical tasks and the furtherance of the nation's welfare. The 
semi-official Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung praised the anti- 
dualistic tenor of the Prince's speech, remarking, with regard to the 
refusal to enter the North German Confederation, that Prussia 
would make no efforts to alter this resolve. As regards the state- 
ment concerning the formation of a Federal State consisting of the 
North German and the South German States, as well as concerning 
the Alliance with Austria, further explanations must be awaited. 
Respecting the declaration that this confederacy should embrace 
the whole South, and that no separate State should enter into a 
closer union with the North German Confederation, it insisted that 
on this point each separate South German State must be free to 
form its own decision. In the Chamber of Deputies the Govern- 
ment proposals met with no material opposition. The draft of 
a Bill concerning the election of Deputies to the Tariff Parliament 
accorded the franchise to all "who paid a direct tax to the State." 
Against this limitation of universal suffrage a motion was brought 
forward by Deputies Kolb and von Stauffenberg that "every 
self-supporting member of the Bavarian State" should be an 
elector. The motion was rejected by the Chamber. On October 
22 the proposal was accepted in the Chamber of Deputies by 117 
votes against 17. 

Affairs took a different turn in the Upper House. In Com- 
mittee the Government proposals had been rejected by 9 votes 
to i. On October 26 the discussion in plenary sitting took place, 
and the issue was beyond question adverse. This consideration 
induced the Prince to accord a favourable reception to Prince 
Lowenstein-Wertheim-Rosenberg's amendment, which at any 


rate promised to avert the danger of an immediate and definitive 
rejection. The amendment ran: "Whereas this House will 
always be prepared to make sacrifices for the continuance of the 
Zollverein and, in consideration of the great benefits which it 
confers on the country, so long as these sacrifices are confined to 
the sphere of material interests, though not if the independence 
of Bavaria is endangered this House resolves only to accord 
its consent to the convention submitted on the express condition 
that the right of acceptance or rejection in all questions con- 
cerning the Customs and internal taxation previously conferred 
on the State of Bavaria by the Zollverein treaties should also be 
mentioned in the new treaties. " 

Prince Hohenlohe stated that as a private member he had no 
hesitation in voting for this amendment, but that as a represen- 
tative of the Government he did not feel in a position to pro- 
nounce on its consequences. The Government, however, would 
consider itself bound to express its special approval if the proposed 
resolution were passed. Thereupon the Lowenstein resolu- 
tion was passed by 47 votes to 3. The same evening the 
Prince started for Berlin with Freiherr von Thiingen, Reporter 
to the Upper House, once more loyally to uphold the Bavarian 
liberum veto. 

The following are notes by the Prince on the journey to Ber- 

Notes on the journey to Berlin, October 27, 1867. 

Left Munich in consequence of the resolution of the Chamber 
of Senators, to try whether further concessions are to be obtained 
in respect of Prussia's veto, and to give Herr von Thiingen the 
opportunity of convincing himself of the position of affairs in 
Berlin. On the 27th we Thiingen, Weber, and I arrived in 
Berlin. Perglas * was at the station, and told me that Bismarck 
would receive us at two o'clock. 

At two o'clock to Bismarck's. I introduced Thiingen, explain- 
ing the object of our journey. 

Thiingen then took up the conversation, justified the point of 
view of the Chamber of Deputies by a statement, and expressed 
the wish that the assent of the Deputies might be rendered feasible 
by Prussia's amicable attitude, thereby hinting that the alliance 
with Prussia would be the firmer for not being brought about by 

In a lengthy explanation Bismarck developed the point of view 
of the Prussian Government, protested his German proclivities, 
referred to the negotiations of the Treaty of Peace, in which he 
had opposed the interests of Bavaria to the dissentient trend of 
opinion, but declared that Prussia was deterred by consid- 
eration for federal colleagues from granting further concessions 
to Bavaria. 

* The newly appointed Bavarian Minister in Berlin. 


Then Thungen proposed granting, if not to the Governments, 
then to the majority of the non- Prussian parliamentary delegates 
the right of veto. 

Against this Bismarck intimated that the North German Con- 
stitution would be thereby endangered. He then gave assurances 
that the Prussian Government had no wish to exercise any kind 
of pressure upon South German States. 

To Thiingen's wish to extend the term of ratification until new 
elections had taken place in Bavaria, Bismarck thought he could 
not accede either; but declared that even if we were prevented 
from being punctual to the term of ratification, the identical 
conditions offered in June should hold good. He spoke openly 
and not like a horse-dealer. 

Then we retired, after Bismarck had invited us to dinner at five. 
When we arrived we found Delbriick and Keudel, with several 
members of the family. Delbriick confirmed what Bismarck had 
said, regretted if I should have to leave the Ministry ; but declared 
that no concessions could be made. 

Herr von Keudel was perfectly acquainted with the state of 
feeling in Bavaria. 

I again asked Bismarck whether he had brought any pressure 
to bear upon the Wiirtemberg Government in respect of the 
fortress of Ulm, which he categorically denied. On the contrary, 
it would be very acceptable to Prussia if Bavaria obtained more 
influence in Ulm. Should Wiirtemberg request a contribution 
from Prussia for the upkeep of Ulm, this would be granted, and no 
rights would be claimed during peace; but they would then 
merely have to request that Ludwigshafen, which was the most 
important spot strategically, should be fortified as a counterpoise. 
Rastatt was of little account, and was only of importance to Ba- 
den. Ludwigshafen and Germersheim would be the actually 
important fortresses in a war against France. 

We had nothing to fear from Austria. Austria had no alliance 
with France, for then alliance with Russia would be contemplated, 
and England too could not look on quietly if France were to 
blockade the Baltic Ports. 

Relations with Austria would gradually improve. An alliance 
between Austria, South German States, and Prussia he designated 
as le couronnement de Voeuvre. 

Next day, the 28th, audience with the King. He requested 
us to speak. Baron Thiingen expounded his views and those 
of the Upper House. The King replied in great detail, but very 
decidedly, that he could not agree to any modification of the 
treaty which would necessitate an alteration in the Federal Con- 
stitution. If we did not think we could join, we ought to retire. 
But he did not believe that the majority of the country were on the 
side of the Senators. 

He then spoke at length upon Prussian policy in general. Prus- 
sia had been forced into the recent annexations against her will. 



For fifty years there had been peace in the land, and it had never 
occurred either to his father, to his brother, or to himself to take 
what belonged to their neighbours, until he had been forced to 
do so by the events of 1866. He had shown moderation to 

The Bavarian representatives quitted Berlin on the evening 
of the 28th, and returned to Munich on the evening of the 29th 
October. This journey convinced Freiherr von Thiingen that the 
desired veto was unattainable by Bavaria. On the morning of 
the 3oth the Prince made a communication to the committee of 
the Chamber of Deputies concerning the result of the journey. 
Thereupon this committee decided not to adopt the modification of 
the treaty voted by the Upper House. This proposal was accepted 
without discussion the same afternoon by a plenary sitting of 
the Chamber of Deputies ; as also a proposal of the committee 
expressing confident expectation that Prussia, as presiding Power, 
would not exercise the right of veto conceded to it, according to 
Section XII. of the treaty, in a manner prejudicial to Bavaria's 
domestic interests. To this proposal Prince Hohenlohe had 
declared that the Government had no objection to the form in 
which the wish was submitted by the committee, since Prussia 
had declared that she merely wanted to make use of the power 
of opposition in respect of a desired alteration in the legislation 
or rules of administration should, according to Prussia's well- 
considered conviction, the prosperity or the receipts of the Zoll- 
verein be thereby endangered. 

On the evening of October 30 the combined committees of 
both Chambers deliberated. On October 31, the last day before 
the expiration of the term of ratification fixed by treaty, the plenary 
sitting of the Upper House took place at eleven o'clock. In 
committee this House had previously decided upon acceptance 
of the treaties by 8 votes to i. At the public sitting, Herr von 
Thiingen had expressed himself in the same sense. The accept- 
ance ensued by 35 votes to 13. The same evening the ratification 
of the treaty was communicated to Berlin. 

Conversation with BARON BEUST.* 

November 6, 1867. 

Baron Beust began by disclosing what he had heard in Paris 
and London, remarking that the Emperor Napoleon was still 
taken up with the idea of a congress for the adjustment of the 
Roman question, and also that it was necessary to support the 
Emperor in this. There was no question of a congress of Catholic 
Powers, but of all the Powers having Catholic subjects. He was 
under the impression that we had already received an invitation, 

* This was the Prince's first meeting with Beust. See Beust, Aus drei 
Vierteljahrhunderten, vol. ii. p. 138. 


which I denied. It would, it is true, involve the question of 
necessary funds for the Pope's maintenance, possibly obligatory 
Peter's pence. However, he let that drop, and then recurred 
to the German question. 

He said that he had had an extended conversation with 
Goltz in Paris, and that he had called the attention of the latter 
to the necessity of settling the German question in such a manner 
as to deprive the French of an excuse for war. There was a 
general impression that Prussia desired to incorporate the whole 
of Germany with itself, and it was imperative that the French 
should be disabused of this idea by a South German Con- 
federation of Union. The form was immaterial. Goltz had 
agreed, and had named this condition of affairs, this project, a 
"provisional consummation." Beust acknowledged that such 
an arrangement could only be achieved with the consent of 
Prussia, since Baden would only consent on the order of Prussia. 
Vambiiler* had expressed his agreement with this, but had nev- 
ertheless protested against a South German Parliament. Beust 
seemed to attach little importance to this. He was of opinion 
that the international union of the South with the North already 
existed through the defensive and offensive alliances and Zollverein 
treaty, and that now it was merely a matter of the South German 
States forming the union contemplated by the Peace of Prague. 
He repeatedly advised consideration of the matter, which I 
promised. In answer to my question as to what he imagined 
would be Austria's attitude, he replied that Austria would keep 
aloof, thinking thereby to further matters. He maintained that 
peace could only be preserved by the formation of a South Ger- 
man Confederation of this kind. If, therefore, we took steps at 
Berlin, he would support us. Roughly speaking, it is the idea 
of a Rhine Confederation under a Prussian protectorate cropping 
up again. He also made the characteristic assertion that the 
revolutionary party in Rome being now discomfited,! the Govern- 
ments of Europe were again in possession of greater power, and 
that in Germany also the opportunity ought to be seized to subdue 
the revolutionary element. 

Beust's and the Emperor Napoleon's idea would probably 
find its realisation in a union of South German States in military 
and diplomatic matters. 

To my inquiry whether this end might not be obtained by 
simply waiting, he eagerly remarked that war would not thereby 
be avoided. 

It seems that the fixed resolve prevails, if we do not willingly 
acquiesce in the idea, of forcing us to do so at the first opportunity. 

* Beust had a discussion with Varnbiiler on November 6 in the train 
between Bietigheim and Stuttgart. According to the report of the 
Minister of Baden in Stuttgart, Beust had said that every symptom of 
independent vitality in the South German States would operate in the 
direction of peace. 

t By the defeat of Garibaldi at Mentana on November 3. 


In any case, information should be obtained in Berlin and Stuttgart, 
what Bismarck's opinion is, and what Vambiiler has promised. 

Bavaria can, after all, acquiesce in a union of the kind if no 
actual Federal State is to be constituted therefrom. Whether 
Wurtemberg and Baden will give up their Ministers and be 
inclined to hand over the representation of their interests to 
South German Federal Ministers remains to be seen. Military 
unification has likewise made no great progress up till now, and 
justifies no great hopes. 

Report to the KING on the position of the South German States. 

MUNICH, November 23, 1867. 

Your Majesty, through your Majesty's secretary, instructed 
your Majesty's most faithful subject, the undersigned, to supply 
information concerning the actual condition of the South German 
States, and the measure of success attained by your Majesty's 
most faithful subject in respect of the aim in view, namely, 
a confederation embracing the aforesaid States. As to this 
the undersigned begs, with his humble duty, to report as follows : 

As your Majesty is aware from reports previously furnished, 
the negotiations with the South German States begun in March 
of this year had the object of forming a common basis for the 
negotiations connected with the North German Confederation. 

The result was the Ministerial declaration arranged between 
May 16 and 31 of this year between Bavaria and Wurtemberg, 
according to which certain subjects of a more general nature 
are in future to be submitted to the deliberation of a further 
confederation, to be concluded between North Germany and the 
South German States. 

Yet since the negotiations as to the renewal of the Zollverein 
had meanwhile taken place, your Majesty's most faithful subject 
thought it best to omit further steps for the present, and to 
await the coming into force of the new Zollverein and its conse- 
quences before entering upon further negotiations concerning 
an alliance with the North German Confederation. 

Thus, the undersigned also omitted to bring the projected 
Ministerial declaration between Bavaria and Baden to a con- 
clusion, and, with your Majesty's permission, sent a despatch 
on August 5 in last year to your Majesty's Minister at Karlsruhe, 
in which was expressed the wish of your Majesty's Government 
to allow negotiations to drop meanwhile. 

From Minister von Varnbiiler's despatch, read to your 
Majesty's most faithful subject by the Minister for Wiirtemberg, 
it appears that the Wurtemberg Government likewise intends to 
desist from further steps which had as object an alliance with 
North Germany.* 

* On December u, 1867, during the discussion of the Foreign Budget in 
the Second Chamber, Freiherr von Vambiiler said it was the distinct 


The condition of this negotiation may therefore for the 
present be regarded as satisfactory. Yet the undersigned cannot 
conceal from himself that the interests of Bavaria are not fur- 
thered by this purely negative attitude; the circumstances as 
they stand at present are so immature, the current of public 
opinion so powerful, that if the Government loses control of the 
initiative other elements might call forth independent events 
which would threaten the autonomy of Bavaria. The circum- 
stances of the dismemberment of Germany, as it stands at present, 
appear so unbearable to the majority of the population that it 
will be always endeavouring to effect an alteration; and, if a 
feasible form of union is not suggested, it may be foreseen that 
the idea of joining the North German Confederation uncon- 
ditionally will gain more and more adherents. Especially is 
this the case with Baden and Hesse, whose attitude always 
remains doubtful, and renders passive expectation well-nigh 

But a new element has cropped up lately in this difficult 
political question. Your Majesty's most faithful subject has 
received intimations that a procrastinating attitude of the South 
German States causes anxiety to the Governments both of Austria 
and of France, and that in these countries the stipulations of the 
Peace of Prague will only be regarded as fulfilled when the 
contemplated union of the South German States is within the 
range of practical politics. 

Although it does not seem advisable to the undersigned to 
knit the South German States into a Federal State analogous 
to the North German Confederation, an undertaking which 
would meet with direct opposition from Wurtemberg, and 
especially from Baden; yet he believes that the moment should 
now have come when these States might consider an alliance from 
which might at least follow concerted military organisation and 
concerted deliberation concerning an identical political attitude. 

But whether a more extended political alliance a South 
German Federal Union can be heref rom moulded, will primarily 
depend on the attitude of the Prussian Government, without 
whose consent neither Baden nor Hesse, scarcely even Wurtem- 
berg, will acquiesce in an idea of the kind. 

Therefore it is the more necessary to be assured of Prussia's 
favourable acceptance of a course of action in the sense indicated 
above ; further, .to procure more particular information concern- 
ing the ideas of the Austrian and French Governments; and, 
finally, to be able to count on Wiirtemberg's general co-operation 
-all of which were merely hinted at in a recent conversation 
between your Majesty's most faithful subject and Baron Beust. 

opinion of the Government that there was no cause to exceed these limits 
after having concluded the two treaties with Prussia and thereby fulfilled 
its national duty. As early as November 7 the Wurtemberg Charge* 
d'Affaires had imparted a note from Freiherr von Varnbiiler to von 
Freydorf, the Baden Minister, the contents of which were to the same effect. 


All these steps can, however, only be taken in the strictest 
confidence and with the utmost caution and discretion; they 
should only be considered as informative, and in no way contem- 
plate obligations binding on Bavaria. 

In so far as your Majesty agrees and decides to confer au- 
thority for these preparatory measures of information, the under- 
signed will take it in hand and dutifully report progress and 
make further suggestions. 

Rescript by the KING in the margin of the above report. 

I am much concerned about the independence of my Crown 
and the autonomy of the country. It was for this reason that I 
asked you for a statement on the political situation. Your account 
somewhat reassures me, as I gather that you will succeed in avert- 
ing pressing dangers by forming a South German coalition. I 
am glad to express my thanks, and my recognition of your efforts, 
and I agree to the steps which you propose. As this matter has 
my constant attention, your reports are very acceptable. 


HOHENSCHWANGAU, November 26, 1867. 

at Stuttgart. 

MUNICH, November 30, 1867. 

Your Excellency shared the view that the subject treated in 
the Ministerial statement of May 16-31 of this year should lie 
dormant for the present. It had as object to effect an under- 
standing between the Governments of Wiirtemberg and Bavaria 
as to paving the way for the national alliance, contemplated 
in the Peace of Prague, between the South and the North. 
As far as I am concerned, I have not abandoned the view that 
the idea of such an alliance should be given up, for then, as now, 
I considered it a pressing necessity that it should be striven 
for on a basis guaranteeing the independence of the Southern 
States, in order to avoid the danger of being drawn against our 
will into the North German Federation Constitution, by the 
increasing centripetal force in our national life. But I thought 
it necessary to come to some conclusion in the first place as to 
the Zollverein business, and I suppose I may conclude that in 
this, too, your Excellency shares my opinion. 

But now the question of what is to be done comes inevitably 
nearer, and I think I am not wrong if I anticipate that the agi- 
tation will no longer remain passive if the Governments of the 
Southern States restrict themselves to purely negative action. 

Besides, I have proofs that a merely negative policy would 
be regarded as unsuitable in other ways. Doubtless it is also 
known to your Excellency that, in circles whose importance 


cannot be over-estimated, the opinion obtains that the conclusion 
of the treaties of alliance and the Zollverein treaty would only 
correspond to the intentions of the Peace of Prague if (accord- 
ing to this opinion) the union of the South German States 
amongst themselves, stipulated in Article IV., and upon which 
the national union of the South with the North was made con- 
tingent, should come into force. One may agree to this or not ; 
we in the South cannot, I think, ignore this view, the less so as 
I have received intimations that even an attempt in this direction 
the commencement of negotiations would affect these circles 
very favourably. 

Now that his Majesty the King has empowered me to take 
the necessary steps, I am above all things anxious to learn your 
Excellency's opinion on the matter, in view of the esteem in 
which I have always held your Excellency's great gifts of 
statesmanship and of my earnest desire to act in concert with 
Wurtemberg in the German question. Meantime, as an 
unpretentious private piece of work* I have endeavoured to 
formulate the subject under consideration and venture, quite 
confidentially, to enclose this sketch for your Excellency's informa- 
tion. It would be of the greatest value to me to have your 
opinion of it in general, and also on individual points. If 
certain details, such, for instance, as the inclusion of a Prussian 
plenipotentiary in the Military Commission, seem to go too far,f 
they are based on the idea that without the assent and practical 
assistance of Prussia a union of the South German States in 
any form would be impossible, and that therefore, in order to 
gain Prussia's approval, it is absolutely necessary to make 
provisions in her favour. 

I have not yet touched upon the question as to the manner 
in which the work of the legislative factors is to make itself felt 
in these matters of joint interest. 

I repeat, however, that I am placing this sketch before you 
solely as a friend and not as Minister of Foreign Affairs, and 
that I do not wish to take further steps without first hearing your 
Excellency's opinion. 


In consideration of Article IV. of the Peace of Prague, which 
presupposes a union of the German States south of the Main as 
a condition of a national union with North Germany, their 
Majesties and Royal Highnesses the Kings of Bavaria and Wur- 
temberg and the Grand Dukes of Baden and Hesse, the latter 
on behalf of those portions of his Grand Duchy lying south 
of the Main, are agreed as follows: 

* The following draft was the work of Councillor Freiherr on Vol- 
derndorff. Concerning the latter's close business and personal relations 
with the Prince, see his posthumous, and unfortunately uncompleted, 
publication: Vom Reichskanzler Fursten von Hohenlohe, Munich, 1902. 

t Article VI. paragraph 2, of the following draft. 



Article I. The Kingdoms of Bavaria and Wiirtemberg, the 
Grand Duchy of Baden, and the southern division of the Grand 
Duchy of Hesse shall unite in a coalition of States, and shall hence- 
forth bear the name " UNITED STATES OF SOUTH GERMANY." 

Article II. The joint concerns of this coalition shall be ad- 
justed by the Executive of the Union, which shall consist of 
representatives of each of the United States. 

The seat of the Executive of the Union shall be at the place 
for the time being appointed. 

Article III. In the Executive of the Union Bavaria shall 
have six, Wurtemberg four, Baden three, and Hesse two votes. 

Likewise the seat of the Executive shall be transferred annually 
in such a manner that in the course of fifteen years it shall be 
twice at Darmstadt, thrice at Karlsruhe, four times at Stuttgart, 
and six times at Munich. 

The State which is the seat of the Executive of the Union 
for the time being shall hold the presidency. 

Article IV. -- The States of the Union shall undertake to 
lay all disputes with members of the Union, as well as with for- 
eign States, before the Executive of the Union. 

In case an amicable settlement is not to be reached the dispute 
shall be referred to a court of arbitration, concerning the con- 
vocation, composition, and procedure of which detailed regu- 
lations shall forthwith be made. 

Disputes with non-Union States shall be treated as matters 
of joint interest if the Executive of the Union considers that the 
State of the Union is in the right. 

Article V. The Army of the United States of South Germany 
shall be a common one, subject to the existing special agreements 
in regard to Hesse. 

Uniform organisation and uniform institutions shall be 
introduced into the Army so far as is necessary or useful for 
action in the field. 

In time of peace each Army Corps to be under the sole command 
of the head of the respective States by whom alone it is to be 
sworn in; the corps only to be used within the borders of the 
respective countries, subject, however, to regulations for the 
garrisoning of federal fortresses. 

Article VI. For the maintenance of the uniformity of the 
Army institutions, and for the elaboration and control of the 
measures dealing therewith, there shall be at the seat of the 
Executive for the time being a Military Commission, in which 
each State of the Union (except Hesse) shall be represented and 
possess one vote respectively. 

The power shall be reserved of making further arrange- 
ments for the representation of Prussia on this commission by a 
plenipotentiary with a deliberative voice in the proceedings. 


Article VII. For the training of South German officers a 
joint Military Academy shall be established at Munich, a joint 
Riding School at Stuttgart, and a joint Academy of Engineers 
and School of Gunnery at Karlsruhe. Joint manoeuvres of the 
Army Corps of the three above-named States shall take place 
annually, and the supreme command shall be held by the State 
which is the seat of the Executive for the time being. 

Article VIII. Ulm, Rastatt, and Germersheim shall be de- 
clared fortresses of the United States of South Germany. Their 
supreme control and administration shall be vested in the Mili- 
tary Commission. In other respects the general principles of 
the federal regulations hold good for their garrisoning, command, 
and maintenance. 

The Military Commission will at once subject these regula- 
tions to the necessary revision, and at the same time draw up 
a complete scheme of defence for the territory of the United States 
of South Germany, to be put into execution as soon as possible 
and at the common cost. 

Article IX. Representation abroad shall be allowed to any 
State of the Union where the latter considers it necessary. But 
any State of the Union which maintains a Legation at a for- 
eign Court shall be bound to take over the protection of subjects 
of other States of the Union that have no representative there 
equally with that of its own. Where none of the United States 
of South Germany is diplomatically represented, the Prussian 
Minister's protection shall be obtained for subjects of the domain 
of the South German Union. 

Article X. With regard to the Consulates, efforts shall be 
made to secure the appointment of joint South German Consuls. 
In places beyond the seas, and elsewhere where it may be deemed 
advisable, the protection of the North German Consuls shall be 
obtained for the subjects of the United States. 

Article XI. Throughout the United States of South Germany 
there shall be common civil rights, to the effect that as regards 
domicile, the carrying on of industries, manufactures, and com- 
merce, admission to public offices, taxation, and the enjoyment 
of all other civil rights, and finally with regard to the protection 
of the law and prosecution, the subject of a State of the Union 
shall be dealt with as a native. Those regulations which concern 
the relief of the poor and their admission to local unions are not 
affected hereby. Likewise, for the present, existing treaties be- 
tween the separate States of the Union dealing with the reception 
of exiles and the care of sick and the burial of deceased subjects 
shall remain in force. 

In time of peace every subject of the United States of South 
Germany shall be free to discharge his military service in the 
Regular Army, Reserve, and Landwehr in the State in which he 
resides permanently. 

Article XII. Throughout the territory of the United South 


German States there shall be a common civil law and penal code, 
and a common civil suit and criminal action. Simultaneously, 
conformity with the legislation of the North German Federation 
shall be aimed at as far as possible. 

Article XIII. For the maintenance of legal uniformity, joint 
Supreme Courts shall be established immediately common legisla- 
tion has been established. 

A common Supreme Court of Commercial Judicature for 
the United States of South Germany is even now being established 
at Nuremberg. 

Article XIV. Further concerns of the Union are : 

(1) The regulation of the system of weights and measures, 
the coinage, and the establishment of principles in regard to issues 
of funded and unfunded paper money. 

(2) General banking regulations. 

(3) Patents. 

(4) The protection of literary property. 

(5) The rafting and shipping industries on the waterways 
passing through the territories of several different States, as 
well as the condition of these waterways, and river and other 
water dues. 

(6) Regulations concerning the mutual execution of deci- 
sions in civil matters, and the discharge of requisitions in 

(7) Measures touching the sanitary and veterinary police. 
Article XV. An international bond between the United South 

German States and the North German Federation, in so far as it 
does not already exist in the alliance and tariff treaties, shall be 
brought about by a treaty by which the subjects specified in Articles 
XIII. and XIV. shall be jointly regulated. 

A second section of the draft contains provisions for the "na- 
tional union" of the United South German States with the North 
German Confederation. 

Freiherr von Varnbiiler replied to the Prince's letter of 
November 30, 1867, at New Year 1868, to the effect that the joint 
execution of military arrangements was necessary; but as re- 
garded the other points he must question whether they 
furnished material for an organic union of South German States, 
and whether a federal organ, without common popular repre- 
sentation, would satisfy public opinion. But a South German 
Parliament he did not want. 

From December 4-7, 1867, conferences took place at Munich 
between the Ministers of War of Bavaria, Wurtemberg, and 
Baden, for the purpose of carrying out the Stuttgart resolutions 
of February 5. Prince Hohenlohe opened these conferences with 
the following address : 

"Before the commencement of the military conference, I per- 
mit myself, gentlemen, to express to you, as representatives of 


the Governments of the Kingdom of Wiirtemberg and the Grand 
Duchy of Baden, the thanks of the Bavarian Government, in that 
his Majesty the King of Wiirtemberg and his Royal Highness 
the Grand Duke of Baden have commissioned you to take part 
in the conference. Herewith begins a complement of the Stuttgart 
Conferences which took place in February, and which we cannot 
too highly value. 

" Should it be, as I doubt not, the intention of all South Ger- 
man Governments to adhere to the treaties of alliance concluded 
with Prussia, and in eventualities that may ensue to defend 
the integrity of German territory jointly with our allies of the 
North, then the co-operation of the South German States will not 
hinder, but further the attainment of this object. 

"The mutual understanding of the South German States will 
not estrange us from the North, but facilitate the fulfilment of 
our alliance duties; it will allow us to foster those peculiarities 
to the maintenance of which we in South Germany attach im- 
portance; it will permit us to uphold that measure of indepen- 
dence which we may retain without prejudice to the common end 
in view ; finally, it will strengthen us, and make us valuable allies. 

"In this sense I wish your deliberations, comrades, the best of 
progress and every success." 

After this welcome, the negotiations were continued by the 
Military Commissioners alone. The final agreements were re- 
corded in two protocols of December 7, 1867. The first of these 
protocols sets forth, in the first instance, that the Stuttgart resolu- 
tions have been carried out, as far as has been hitherto possible 
for individual States, in all points and by all. For the supple- 
mentation and explanation of former points agreed, it is 
considered desirable, in accordance with the North German 
Federal Military Constitution which has meanwhile been pro- 
mulgated, to attain, as far as feasible, a war footing of 2 per cent, 
and a peace effective of i per cent., and thereby in principle three 
years' service. Further provisions concern the maintenance of an 
experienced staff of non-commissioned officers, the peace effective 
of cavalry, the necessity of identical drill regulations, identical 
ranks for officers, and identical designations for non-commissioned 
officers. The second protocol binds the three Governments to ne- 
gotiations concerning joint manoeuvres to be arranged for the 
coming summer or autumn, and contains the following provision 
in respect of the fortresses : 

"Regarded from a military point of view, the question of 
the fortresses of South Germany can be satisfactorily settled only 
in connection with the system of defence of the whole of Ger- 
many, and therefore the Ministers of War here assembled regard 
it as in this respect a military necessity that a body should exist 
which with constant regard to Germany's system of defence 
in general should settle details respecting individual fortified 
places and positions. 


"As, however, the fulfilment of this necessity must first be 
considered in all its aspects, its existence shall merely be stated 
here, but a definitive decision not pronounced." 

Report to the KING concerning the reconstitution o) 
the Upper House. 

MUNICH, December 12, 1867. 

In the programme which your Majesty's most faithful subject, 
the undersigned, placed before your Majesty ere taking up his 
appointment, and which received your Majesty's august approval, 
the reform of the Upper House was mentioned as a desirable 

In order to meet this wish, the fulfilment of which seems 
necessary and profitable to the interests of the State, your Maj- 
esty's most faithful subject, the undersigned, ventures to place 
before your Majesty six bills,* by which, according to his convic- 
tion, without danger to the genuinely conservative bases 
of the Constitution, the institution of the Upper Chamber 
would escape constant attacks and find redress for the justifiable 
criticisms which of late have been so frequently levelled against 

The six bills are intimately connected. The bill concerning 
the amendment of the law of entail confers on the commoner 
with landed property the possibility of admission to the heredi- 
tary peerage; it thus does away with the exclusiveness of this 
privilege, without destroying its conservative character. 

On the other hand, the bill for the amendment of Section VI., 
paragraph 3, of the Constitution summons to the Senate a number 
of old noble families with landed property, who have hitherto, 
obviously for no special cause, been excluded therefrom by the 
maintenance in their family estate of the ancient, genuinely Teu- 
tonic principle of tenure in common. Your Majesty's most 
faithful servant is of opinion that such families as the Crails- 
heim, Egloffstein, Seckendorff, Thiingen, Tacher, &c., should 
not be unrepresented in the Upper Chamber of the Kingdom of 
Bavaria. . . . 

In like manner the result of the bill for the representation by 
proxy of hereditary Senators will be to render it possible for those 
families who are called by the Constitution to the Upper Cham- 
ber to exercise their right f more frequently than constant and 
almost unavoidable hindrances admit at present. 

Against this increase of the hereditary element it seemed 
advisable to claim a further extension of the Royal prerogative of 
nomination, and this is the object of a bill which would raise the 

*The six bills were the work of Freiherr von Volderndorff. See 
his work : Vom Reichskanzler Fursten von Hohenlohe, p. 22. 

t The bill was to authorise the representation of hereditary members 
by a kinsman during the session. 


number fixed by Paragraph 4 of Section VI. of the Constitution 
from one-third to one-half. 

Finally, with special regard to the bill for the extension of 
the Chamber of Senators, the undersigned ventures respectfully 
to refer in general terms to the underlying motives. In attempting 
a reform of the institution he believes that he ought to confine 
himself to the strictly essential, and more especially that he should 
refrain from suggesting an entire reorganisation of constitutional 
regulations for the Upper Chamber, since such might lead to 
lengthy debates and possibly to far-reaching proposals in the Cham- 
ber of Deputies, whereas the bill in its actual brief wording does, 
in fact, meet the most urgent requirements, and yet on the whole 
leaves the basis of the Constitution of the Upper Chamber un- 

The bill concerning the quorum of the Upper House is founded, 
as the preamble shows, on a resolution previously moved by promi- 
nent members of this Chamber, and will satisfy an extremely 
urgent need. 

The undersigned was of opinion that before a Cabinet delibera- 
tion took place on the bills in question, which might be placed 
before the Chambers as emanating from the joint Ministry, your 
Majesty's orders should be obtained, and consequently ventures 
to make the most respectful suggestion that your Majesty should 
ordain the discussion of the six annexed bills by the Cabinet 

From the preambles of the bills the following may be quoted : 

(1) Amendment of the law of entail. 

Some doubts may exist as to whether the law of entail, as set out 
in the Bavarian Constitution, is intrinsically desirable, and should 
therefore be reintroduced. Presumably, however, there is no doubt 
that, though the law sanctions the establishment of entails, their 
restrictions to the nobility is not in accordance either with material 
conditions or with the views of the present day concerning equality 
before the law. Should the Government, therefore, endeavour to 
remove this anomaly, and, by abrogating the present prerogative 
of noble families, grant to every one the right of tying up his prop- 
erty for the benefit of his family in a form hitherto only possible 
for the nobility, this can in no case be challenged as unjust or 

But neither does such extension of the right of entail seem 
unfair or unimportant, since it thus makes way for the admission 
to the Senate of commoners with landed property; the institu- 
tion of hereditary senatorship ceases to be a privilege of the no- 
bility, and becomes the common property of the whole nation. 

(2) Bill for the conferment of hereditary Senatorship on per- 
sons in joint ownership of property. 

The Constitution does not merely start from the principle 
that the bond of entail should be inadmissible without the simul- 
taneous operation of the law of primogeniture. It also refuses 


to invest with any political importance a family estate where no 
preferment of the first-born takes place. It may be urged that 
the institution of entail is the outcome of the restricted manner 
of succession which obtains at the present time, and there is good 
reason for the opinion that, if once the estate were allowed to be 
tied up in favour of the family, it would be fairer and more natural 
to grant the usufruct to all members of the same family than to 
single out the favoured first-born. But the Government would 
not propose an innovation so far-reaching and even hazardous, 
thinking it better simply to allow entail, as such, to continue, 
according to Bavarian tradition. 

On the other hand, a change seems called for by the injustice 
of ignoring the political importance of such family property 
as rests on the ancient, truly German basis of joint usufruct by 
all members of the family in favour of him who takes his stand 
upon the right of primogeniture. The question of the divisibility 
of usufruct and of administration is merely a private family matter 
and cannot alter or lessen the importance of landed property 
as such. 

Now in the provinces of Franconia the number of properties 
of the kind indicated is not inconsiderable, and indeed the greater 
part of family landed property in Bavaria has remained unrep- 
resented in the Upper House in consequence of these distinc- 

Therefore an alteration must be considered as equitable as it 
is desirable. 

(3) Bill concerning life Senators. Among those deficiencies 
in the constitution of the Upper House, which make themselves 
specially felt at present, is the circumstance that there are too 
few legal, administrative, financial, and military members; and 
precisely for this reason the rendering of reports on such subjects 
encounters great difficulties. 

However politically correct in the Constitution is the principle 
for the composition of the Upper House, that the King's preroga- 
tive of nomination must stand in a certain relation to other cate- 
gories, and little as it might be desirable to give up the character 
of independence of the Upper Chamber, in favour of the 
political tendency of a particular time, with its liability to rapid 
change, by the unlimited nomination of peers, yet, on the other 
hand, the numbers prescribed in the Constitution for the King's 
prerogative of nomination appears to be placed too low, and still 
more will this be the case when the Chamber is possibly strength- 
ened by elected members. 

All these reasons are in favour of undertaking the proposed 
increase of the proportion of life Senators to hereditary Senators 
from one-third to one-half. 

(4) Bill for the reinforcement of the Chamber of Senators. 
This Bill provides for the reinforcement of the Chamber of 

Senators by twenty-nine elected members, namely : 


(a) Five representatives of the Universities, the Polytechnic, 
and the Academy. 

(b) Eight representatives of commerce and industry. 

(c) Eight representatives of landed property. 

(d) Eight representatives of towns. 

If the Government proposes, not a reconstruction, but a rein- 
forcement of the Chamber of Senators, it is primarily because it 
considers that in the two-Chamber system in so far as the latter 
is to have any actual political importance at all the Upper 
Chamber must by heredity and life-long nomination preserve a 
certain stability, that it must thereby bring the conservative ele- 
ment to special account, and will for that very reason be capable 
of preserving the quickly shifting momentary moods of political 
life from excess precipitation. 

Further, it cannot be ignored that the landed property which 
is now represented by the hereditary members of the Upper House 
furnishes a legitimate element in the formation of a Cham- 
ber of Peers, and one which is justified by the historical as well 
as the material importance of the interests at stake. Finally, 
that the prerogative of Royal nomination furnishes a necessary 
means of attracting men of talent from these ranks, who could 
be raised in no other way, into parliamentary life. It follows 
that whatever is accomplished in the way of reform of the Upper 
House must come about through the attraction of these ele- 
ments, and by this means, without obliterating the character 
of the institution, a more lively development of the impetus 
given to political life by free discussion and opinion will be ren- 
dered possible. 

Therefore a reinforcement must take place by elected 

Naturally the number of elected Senators must stand in a 
certain relation to the other categories, and if the Bill in question 
will allow twenty-nine members elected by vote to be appointed, 
this represents scarcely twice the number of those at present 
nominated for life, and the hereditary members will not in future 
outnumber the elected and nominated members put together. 
With regard to the categories from which to choose, a general 
election in local districts is barred from the first, for there would 
exist no inherent reason for opposing to the Lower Chamber 
which rests on this basis a representation in the Upper Chamber 
resting on an identical basis. 

On the other hand, the Government believed that an amend- 
ment of election methods, solely by restriction to the upper classes 
of tax-payers, could not be regarded as either sufficient or desirable, 
since thereby the Upper Chamber would rest solely on the privilege 
of wealth, and would scarcely gain an increase of prestige in the 
general estimation of the people. 

Hence the proposed class system of election follows as a mat- 
ter of course, and in this connection it should be the orders 


of society called forth by modern political life that should be 
kept in view, and not the pre-existing classes, which have now 
become historic. With special regard to the clergy in this matter, 
they have hitherto been represented in the Upper House in a 
suitable manner, and it was therefore possible to pass them over 
in the reconstitution. 

The PRINCE'S speech in the Chamber of Deputies during 
the discussion of the Bill for Military Organisation 
December 13, 1867. 

In yesterday's and in to-day's debate the province of foreign 
policy has also been touched upon. I shall, however, refrain 
from commenting in greater detail upon many a statement, many 
a bitter remark; otherwise I should be under the necessity of 
propounding to you once more the principles which I feel myself 
bound to maintain in Bavarian policy, and I should fear to weary 
you by the repetition. Furthermore, these very statements 
are based on those fears of future approaching events to which 
one party clings with a certain predilection. I shall therefore 
confine myself to-day to a few general observations. You will 
agree with me, gentlemen, that the present time imperatively 
demands increased efforts in military matters, and the greatest 
possible extension of our military force. We are living in a time 
of transition. Former alliances have been destroyed, and fresh 
ones are in course of formation; the sufferings of Europe have 
reached, if I may say so, an acute stage, and feverish excitement 
points to the early approach of great disturbances. Of what nature 
the culmination of these crises will be no man can say, yet there 
can be no doubt that we also shall not be unaffected. 
We shall be forced to make sacrifices, but these sacrifices 
will pass the limits of our endurance if we are not heed- 
ful to meet the coming danger forearmed, and armed at all points. 
The development of Europe and Germany may continue on the 
same lines ; but Bavaria must gain the respect which is her due 
by an adequate expansion of her inherent strength, and must, 
as a part of the whole, take up that position which alone is worthy 
of her. 

That our present military organisation is not equal to this 
object was expounded yesterday and to-day in eloquent terms, 
but it is beyond doubt that a mere reform of military organisa- 
tion is not sufficient if the old principles persist. Equally insuffi- 
cient, finally, would be a military system copied from the Swiss. 
Nothing, therefore, remained to the Government but to have 
recourse to the military system which is now proposed. It is a 
system which has success on its side, and which affords cer- 
tainty of creating an army which is ready to fight; one, more- 
over, which by its homogeneous system and training has 
the advantage of being a force equal to, and capable 


of, combined action with our allies. By introducing this 
military organisation we shall inspire the Army with that 
confidence in its own strength and its own thoroughness without 
which military success is not to be thought of; we shall, by 
this combined system, connect ourselves more closely and 
intimately with the whole of Germany, and at the same time 
we shall retain and defend that independence which Bavaria 
can and will uphold without detriment to the agreement 
for offence and defence by opposing right supported by might, 
to any force which may threaten. Therefore I recommend you 
to pass the Bill. 


MUNICH, February 19, 1868. 

The result of the elections* has been to make the Ultra- 
montane party arrogant, and it now thinks that the Government 
also must immediately come over to its side. Secretary, to the 
Cabinet Lipowsky's thoughtless and wavering character affords 
it the opportunity. This man, who wishes to keep in with all 
parties and believes true statecraft to consist therein, hears much 
and digests little, but intrigues the more. The article in the 
Siiddeutsche Presse, against the Ultramontane party, has 
called forth his indignation, which he has, in fact, expressed 
to Frobel. All the same, I do not believe that the King, as he 
maintains, gave him any pretext for this manifestation. Of 
course the Ultramontane party is annoyed at Frobel's article, 
because it thwarts their plans, which aim at separating the 
Government from the Reform party, and drawing them com- 
pletely into the Ultramontane camp. There is a rumour that 
Schrenck is to replace Senior. 

Trauttmansdorf f would like to get rid of Schlor, and appoint 
in his stead a Minister who would be wiser on the one hand, and 
more Ultramontane on the other. He maintains that he wants 
me to remain; but at the same time wishes me to make 
a decided deviation to the side of the Ultramontanes. Frobel 
says that he is opposed to Beust. I do not share the opinion. 
I think that here Beust acts with the Ultramontanes, and in Vienna 
against them. 

To-morrow Senior's election will decide the matter here. I 
hear various conjectures. Some think he will be elected, others 
not. In any case his removal from the Ministry would be no 

MUNICH, February 22, 1868. 

So Schlor was elected yesterday. Had he not managed to 
get in he would soon have had to quit the Ministry; but as 

* To the Tariff Parliament, which took place on February 10. 
f Count Trauttmansdorff, Austrian Minister. 
VOL. i T 


things have turned out he can remain. Whether this is an 
advantage is another question. At Trauttmansdorff 's I had a 
long conversation with Feilitzsch concerning the Press in 
general. We were so far agreed that nothing can be done 
without money, and as we are short of cash we cannot 
accomplish much. 

Dr. Haas has brought Volderndorff some articles which he 
has had inserted in several papers, and which, in furtherance 
of my interests, discuss the matter of Nuremberg Castle,* and 
condemn Pfordten. Volderndorff did not know how to construe 
the amiability of the Austrian Ultramontane Press agents un- 
til I told him that Trauttmansdorff had given me to under- 
stand that their side did not wish or the fall of the present 
Ministry. The gentlemen consider the moment too inopportune 
for bringing forward an understanding with Prussia. They 
fear the impression my fall would make in Berlin, if it were 
occasioned by the Austrian party. In Berlin the blunders of 
the King of Hanover f have aroused a mood of exasperation 
against Austria, which they now have no interest in increasing. 
So it seems I shall have peace for a time. The Order of St. 
Stephen will accentuate this mood. 

In the evening Lipowsky came to me to complain of the 
foreign Press, and to beg me, by order of the King, to take steps 
against it. His real object, however, was to see if I would 
tell him something about the successor to the sick Minister 
von Pechmann. He made himself very agreeable, and seemed 
to be waiting for a disclosure of the kind. But I kept 
silence. In addition he spoke of the reports about the 
King, and complained of the people in Munich and their evil 

To-day, Princess Maria Theresa arrived with Prince Ludwig.t 
I received her at the station with Moy and Trauttmansdorff. 
She looked quite brilliant in her new toilette, and was very 
pleasant and graceful. We were presented, escorted her to 

* After the conclusion of peace the King of Bavaria had offered to 
King Wilhelm, in a letter of August 30, 1866, to become the joint owner with 
him of "the venerable castle of his forefathers," and to inhabit it 
during any visits he might pay to Bavaria. This offer was accepted with 
thanks by King Wilhelm. The matter did not come to an assignment of 
property or, in fact, to a political treaty. It was settled by a semi-official 
manifesto of February 15, 1868. 

f King George of Hanover celebrated his silver wedding on February 
18, 1868, at Hietzing, and received a great deputation of Hanoverians; to 
whom, in an after-dinner speech, he expressed his hopes of his restora- 
tion to his dominions. The Hanoverian Legion, which had been formed 
on the occasion of the Luxembourg complications, had left Switzerland for 
France in January 1868. On February 20 Count Beust was interpel- 
lated in the Chambers concerning the profuse supply of Austrian passports 
for the Guelph Legionaries by the Viennese Police Department to 
Switzerland, and concerning the after-dinner speech of King George. 

| Prince Ludwig of Bavaria had married Maria Theresa, Archduchess 
of Austria-Este-Modena, on February 20, 1868. 


the carriage, and then drove home. Their Royal Highnesses 
made their State entry, of which I saw nothing. The King is 
in bed. Few people believe that he is ill. 

MUNICH, February 24, 1869. 

Frobel has just told me that he lately received an admonitory 
letter from Baron Gruben, the Taxis official in Ratisbon, re- 
questing him to come to an understanding with the clerical 
party. Gruben, so Frobel tells me, is an agent of the Society 
of Jesus, who is attached to Prince Taxis in order to exploit 
his enormous fortune in the interests of the Order. In com- 
pany with Dornberg he was Chief Agent during the Congress 
of Princes in 1863, and on that occasion discussed a scheme 
for a constitution with Frobel, and together with him laid it before 
the Emperor; however, he struck out Frobel's too-democratic 
additions, and thus the thing failed. At that time some far- 
reaching plans were concocted at Ratisbon; the Hereditary 
Prince was to have the Rhine-lands, and on this point negotia- 
tions were also commenced with Napoleon. Hence the Ratisbon 
Ultramontanes' fury with Frobel. 

Pascal Duprat, the well-known Republican, was here lately 
at Frobel's, and recounted to him his experiences in Hungary, 
whence he came. The Hungarian Left doubts the continuance 
of the present Liberal regime in Austria, and in view of approach- 
ing catastrophes has already opened negotiations with the 
Southern Slavs, with the intent of creating or preparing an 
Empire of the Danube or a Federation of the Danube. The 
Southern Slavs will not hear of a union with Russia, but never- 
theless accept Russian money in order to promote their own 
schemes therewith. 

March 4. 

During the last few days I have been very busy. The death 
of Minister Pechmann and the question of a successor have been 
my chief preoccupations. As it seemed to me that Lipowsky 
was trying to outflank me in the nomination of a Minister, I stated 
on Wednesday in the Cabinet Council that I detected a desire 
to complete the Ministry without consulting me; if this were 
actually the case I should tender my resignation. The stroke 
told. The Ministers received a salutary fright, the King was at 
once informed, and on Thursday evening he sent for me to discuss 
all manner of things. He also touched upon the Ministry of the 
Interior, asked about Hermann, whom I, however, characterised 
as unsuitable. The Neumayr party are working for Hermann. 
On Friday Lipowsky came to ask me my opinion direct. I told 
him frankly that I did not want Hormann on account of his 
relations with the Neumayr clique. We also discussed Schubert, 
of whom he speaks in the highest terms, and Pfeufer, whom he 
does not much advocate. 


On Saturday came news of the death of King Ludwig L* 
Hence much business, many telegrams, notifications, &c. 

This has rather put the Ministerial question in the background. 
Added to this, the King is ill again fever, &c. 

On Monday the Budget of the Minister for Foreign Affairs 
was discussed in committee. The Reporter was only going 
to grant me 200,000 gulden for the Legations, but I declared 
that I could not go below 250,000 gulden, and would tender my 
resignation if they were not accorded. Thereat great ill-humour 
in the committee, and finally consent to my demand. 

Yesterday, Tuesday, March 3, many callers at the Ministry. 
Among them Stenglein, who wanted to know if we were going 
to take up as passive an attitude at the next election to the 
Chamber as we did at the time of the elections to the Tariff 
Parliament. I replied in the negative. He said that in that 
case there was a prospect of forming a Liberal party if we would 
assist the members of the Chamber to election. 

MUNICH, March 22, 1868. 

This evening Lipowsky came to see me, and said his Majesty 
had commissioned him to ask what points I wished to put before 
him concerning the nomination to the Ministry of the Interior.! 
His Majesty could not receive me, as his Majesty had a swelled 

I replied that I had partitioned his Majesty to hear me orally 
concerning the nomination of a Minister before anything was 
decided, that I must insist on this petition, and would commit 
myself to nothing further. Should his Majesty not grant this 
petition, I must still adhere to my resolution. Lipowsky pro- 
tested that he had done his utmost to induce the King to see me 
to-day, but without success. I said that I regretted the necessity 
of insisting. I owed it to myself. 

On March 30 the President of the Government Board, von 
Hermann, was appointed Minister of the Interior. 

Report to the KING. 

MUNICH, March 30, 1868. 

Your Majesty's most faithful subject, the undersigned, has 
been informed by the Prussian Ambassador that his Royal 
Highness the Crown Prince of Prussia will go to Turin for the 
wedding of the Crown Prince of Italy on April 20 and will pass 
through Munich. The journey will probably take place in the 
week following Easter. 

* Died at Nice on February 29. 

fin the report of March 21 the Prince had requested an audience, in 
order verbally to set forth his views concerning a nomination to the 
office of Minister of the Interior. 


As the King of Prussia and other members of the Royal Family 
have paid several visits to your Majesty's Court, which your 
Majesty has not yet been able to return, it is perhaps possible 
that the considerations of etiquette prevailing between the Royal 
Courts will not permit the Crown Prince of Prussia to visit your 
Majesty's Court on this occasion. 

Yet, as the Crown Prince is going to Italy by way of the 
Brenner Pass, he cannot avoid Munich. 

Your Majesty's most faithful subject thinks it right to bring 
this to your Majesty's notice, as he fears that it might perhaps 
produce a disagreeable impression on your Majesty if the Crown 
Prince made a stay in Munich without visiting the Royal Court. 
If this should be the case, and your Majesty should wish to 
receive the Crown Prince's visit, the undersigned could introduce 
the subject through Baron Perglas in Berlin, and remove the 
impediment of etiquette which perhaps exists by referring to a 
proposed visit by your Majesty to Berlin, whose date need not 
be specified. 

Your Majesty's most faithful subject, the undersigned, there- 
fore respectfully ventures to beg for your Majesty's august 
commands whether, and in what sense, he shall provide Baron 
Perglas with instructions. 

In the sitting of the Chamber of Deputies of April 6, 1868, 
the Deputy Ruland had violently attacked the Government 
on account of several articles in the Suddeutsche Presse. 

Hereupon Prince Hohenlohe said: "I must, above all things, 
insist that the Government has no actual Government Press. I 
wished for no Government organ, and therefore allowed the 
Bayrische Zeitung to cease publication. The Suddeutsche Presse 
is not a Government organ. It receives no instructions, and 
therefore the Government is not answerable for any statements 
which it contains. You may possibly consider this relation as 
surprising, but you will agree with me if I say that I have too 
high an opinion of the Press in general to conceive a great im- 
portant newspaper working according to precept, thinking to 
order or according to suggestion. Such an organ would only be 
imaginable in the restricted form of a Government Gazette, for 
which separate sections of the Government would be responsible. 

"Therefore I must consider as baseless the attacks which have 
been made upon the Government concerning the Government 

Report to the KING concerning the South German question. 

MUNICH, April 10, 1868. 

In your Majesty's august mandate of the 5th of this month 
your Majesty asks for the explanation of the reasons of failure of 
the attempt at forming a South German Confederation of States. 


Therefore your Majesty's most faithful subject, the under- 
signed, hastens with his humble duty to report as follows : 

The foundation of a South German Confederation of States, 
which was to be accomplished according to the terms of 
Article IV. of the Peace of Prague, had from the outset only 
a prospect of success if the idea obtained your Majesty's 
entire approval, and if hope was thereby afforded that your 
Majesty would accord his most unconditional concurrence in 
the diplomatic action proposed. 

From your Majesty's august mandate of January 28 * of this 
year, your Majesty's most faithful subject, the undersigned, 
gathered that your Majesty by no means entirely approved the 
proposed conclusion of the treaty, and that your Majesty enter- 
tained scruples concerning it. This had the effect of awaken- 
ing fears in the mind of your Majesty's most faithful subject, 
that the success of the proposed measures would be doubtful from 
the outset. 

Notwithstanding this the undersigned did not delay to place the 
matter before the Cabinet, in accordance with your Majesty's 
commands. In order to facilitate a careful and advantageous dis- 
cussion, he has supplied every Minister with a copy of the draft 
of the treaty, and put before them in writing the tenor of previous 
negotiations, as well as the reasons which led him to make the 
proposal. No sympathy was shown the proposal by the Cabinet. 
During the discussions objection was raised by nearly all the 
Ministers, and only the Minister of War expressed himself in 
favour of a mutual understanding between the South German 
States, at any rate in essentials. 

This much has already come to light: that there does not 
exist among the Cabinet that complete unanimity of views con- 
cerning the desirability and advantage of the project which is 
so imperative for carrying into effect a far-reaching plan such as 

Apart from these circumstances which oppose the plan, 
external and internal relations have meanwhile so shaped them- 
selves that your Majesty's most faithful subject can no longer 
reckon upon the success of the diplomatic steps suggested to 
your Majesty at the beginning of the year. 

Your Majesty's most faithful subject, the undersigned, never 
doubted that direct elections to the Tariff Parliament would 
result in the way they have resulted in the greater part of Bavaria 
and in the whole of Wiirtemberg; for there have long been 
sufficient indications to suggest the alliance of Clericalism and 
Democracy which has since been openly displayed. But as 
this alliance has already led to such important external results, 
and since there has been an assertion of Republican tendencies 
in the agitation carried on under the cloak of Conservative 
interests, it is obvious that a South German Confederation would 
* This document cannot be found. 


not have the slightest chance of making way in South German 
public opinion without the simultaneous grant of a combined 
South German Parliament to oppose the North German 

But, according to the opinion of your Majesty's most 
faithful subject, with the turn which affairs have now 
taken the concession of a South German Parliament would be 
supremely dangerous, for the union of Ultramontanes and Re- 
publicans would only make use of this Parliament in order to 
destroy absolutely the authority of the South German individual 
Governments, which their unbridled Press is already working 
against, and striving night and day to undermine. It would only 
tend to further their schemes, which keep in view a federally 
constituted Republican South Germany, united to Switzerland, 
as the final object to be attained. There are indications that 
this scheme would not be regarded unfavourably in France, 
since on the further side of the Rhine it is thought that a pro- 
tectorate of such disintegrated State organisations could easily 
be established. 

As regards foreign political affairs, your Majesty knows from 
former suggestions put forward by the undersigned that the sole 
reason why he once more, and in so resolute a manner, took up 
the difficult project of forming a South German Confederation was 
that at the end of last year those constellations were ruling which 
alone render the accomplishment of this confederacy possible. 
These, on the one hand, are the entente cordiale between Austria 
and France, and, on the other hand, Prussia's inclination to con- 
tribute towards the preservation of peace by using its influence 
with Baden and Hesse, and simultaneously bringing gentle 
pressure to bear on Wurtemberg, with intent to induce the 
States to fulfil the Prague stipulations. Of these two provisos 
neither exists at the present time. A coolness has obviously 
arisen between Austria and France; it would seem that France 
has given up hopes of provoking Austria to a course conducive 
to French interests, and will therefore strive to gain her ends by 
other means. Prussia, however which manifestly was at any 
rate not unwilling at the time of the confidential preliminaries, 
commenced by your Majesty's most faithful subject, the under- 
signed, in accordance with your Majesty's authorisation of 
November 30 last year has since then clearly changed her mind. 
The decided declarations against the scheme of a South German 
Confederation made by Baden in the official Karlsruher Zeitung, 
and the repeated announcement inspired by Prussian official 
papers that no such South German Confederation could be en- 
tertained, indicate that Prussia is no longer at all inclined to sup- 
port a possible scheme.* 

*From the beginning Baden would only agree to consent to the 
project of a Southern Confederation if its establishment offered the prospect 
of a closer union with the North German Federation. In a conversation 


Under these circumstances no endeavour to carry out a 
measure such as was at one time suggested to your Majesty would 
have any prospect of success, and your Majesty's most 
faithful subject is of opinion that Bavaria should not expose 
itself to a failure of the kind. Should circumstances alter and 
become more favourable to the establishment of a South German 
Federation, the undersigned will not delay in taking the matter 
in hand ; for now as ever he is of opinion that the supreme danger 
to South Germany still lies in the unfulfilled stipulations 
of the Peace of Prague. To this end he will carefully watch 
the course of events and the political constellations, in order 
that he may be in a position to take up the project again at the 
right moment. Nevertheless, as was most respectfully observed 
at the commencement of this report, the only hope of success 
lies in your Majesty's and the entire Ministry's unconditional 
consent to and implicit confidence in the scheme. 

Minute by the KING on the above report. 

I have perused your representations and await further reports. 

MUNICH, April 15, 1868. 


MUNICH, April 18, 1868. 

As the Crown Prince * had sent word yesterday that he wished 
to speak to me to-day and would like me to breakfast with him I 
betook myself to him at nine o'clock. 

At the beginning he alluded cursorily to my relations with the 
King, which I did not enter into further. We then went on to 
speak of international politics. I took the opportunity of warn- 
ing him that above all things Prussia should refrain from acting 
too aggressively towards the South, pointed to the Republican- 
Ultramontane waves in Wiirtemberg, the tone in Bavaria, and, 
above all, to France. This he seemed to perceive, then talked 
further about Wiirtemberg and tendencies there, not about Baden, 
and was on the whole very reserved. When conversation touched 

with the Minister of Baden in Berlin on December i, 1867, Bismarck 
considered the projected Southern Confederation as untenable in many 
respects, but advised against immediately discountenancing it, and 
recommended a continuance of negotiations. About the same time he 
refused the request expressed in a private letter from the Minister 
Mathy, asking him to announce his readiness to receive Baden into the North 
German Federation, and only leaving the date undetermined in con- 
sideration of the state of Europe; Bismarck at the same time advised the 
Government of Baden "not to define too precisely a purpose which would 
drive the most powerful South German States into antagonism." 

*The Crown Prince of Prussia arrived at Munich on April 17, and took 
up his quarters in the Palace. He stayed till the evening of the 



upon Prussian intrigues in Austria, he seemed to disapprove, and 
in fact his conversation generally seemed to reveal a certain op- 
position to Bismarck. 

Concerning war with France, he said that the alliance of 
South German States with Prussia naturally involved concerted 
action with Prussia, inquired who would be Commander-in-Chief 
of the Bavarian Forces, then touched upon the Prussian Army's 
preparedness for war, and said it was at any rate equal to the 
French. He also laid stress upon the courage of the Bavarian 
Army. On the whole, he talked very peaceably, said he hated 
war, yet that war was sometimes unavoidable, but was never to be 
recommended as a means to an end. 

He seems to regard the union of Germany under Prussian 
leadership as self-evident; on the other hand, it appeared to me 
that he preferred moral persuasion to force. 

BERLIN, April 26, 1868. 

From eight o'clock until this morning at seven I spent mostly 
in sleep, which I could do the more comfortably as I had the 
whole carriage to myself. Nearing Leipzig, I looked out of the 
window from time to time, and observed at the stations several 
members of the Tariff Parliament, seeking for food, in a forlorn 
condition. Later on the members became communicative, drank 
bad coffee together, and ate sandwiches. 

By 12.30 we were in Berlin. I was received by the whole 
Legation, and by Privy Councillor Weber. Viktor was still at 
Potsdam, but arrived soon after I had taken possession of my 
abode. A very pretty sitting-room and a large bedroom on the 
third floor. 

At three o'clock came Perglas, who made various political 
communications. He says no one knows what Bismarck will 
do if a motion is brought forward for the enlargement of the 
powers of the Tariff Parliament; Bismarck is an unknown 
quantity. In the matter of the fortresses he showed me an answer 
which Bismarck had sent, and which is friendly. I fear he has 
committed himself rather too soon. 

Varnbuler has not yet come. He is in bed, but they say he 
is not really ill, only fears a bad reception. 

I talked over the difficulty of my position with Viktor. Then 
came Roggenbach, who declared that Bluntschli had no intention 
of bringing forward a motion concerning the enlargement of 
the powers of the Tariff Parliament. It all depended upon 
whether bringing forward such a motion would aggravate my 
position in Bavaria; in this case Bismarck would find means of 
restraining the National Liberal party. After I had explained 
to him the drawbacks to me of such a motion, Roggenbach wanted 
to effect its omission, only I should have to try to influence the 
Bavarians, which can be done by Luxburg. The only thing 
Bluntschli proposed was to make it possible for single States 


to join the Tariff Parliament upon certain questions, i.e. to 
incorporate specific matters of their own State in the tariff or- 

Then he also touched upon an idea of his own : he wondered 
whether the surplus from tariff receipts might not be spent upon 
certain fortresses which would be converted into a species of 
federal fortresses. The Tariff Federal Council would then have 
to be augmented by a Military Commission. 

I went to the theatre in the evening. There Count Henckel 
von Donnersmarck came to us, and declared that the National 
Liberals all wanted to elect me first Vice-President, and that a 
desire was now expressed to unite with the Free Conservatives 
over the election of a second Vice-President. The affection of 
the National Liberals is quite gruesome to me, but the opinion is 
gaining ground that it would be unwise to anger South German 
antipathies by further provocations. I still hope to bring the 
Free Conservatives to the point of declaring themselves against 
an extension of the powers of the Tariff Parliament. There is 
a very well-organised party spirit here, which has its advantages. 

I have not yet spoken to Bismarck. To-day is the opening. 
As Bavarian Federal Tariff Councillor Perglas has to call for 
cheers for the King, which much preoccupies him. But it cannot 
be avoided. 

BERLIN, April 28, 1868. 

Yesterday service was at twelve, which I attended at the 
Catholic Church, and at one o'clock the opening of the Tariff 
Parliament. The assembly in the White Hall was most brilliant. 
When we entered, the hall was still well-nigh empty, as the Prot- 
estant service in the Castle chapel was not yet concluded. 
Mutual greetings were exchanged. I found many acquaintances 
of my youth, grown old; for instance, Rosshirt, whom I had not 
seen since Heidelberg; Oheimb, the Detmold Minister, whom I 
had not seen since Bonn. The former is an Ultramontane member 
of the Tariff Parliament, Oheimb is Federal Councillor for Detmold. 
The hall gradually filled with functionaries and officers, who had 
been either invited or ordered to be present in order to fill it. 

At length the sermon came to an end, and the King's proces- 
sion descended the steps. It was all very gorgeous. The King 
passed through the hall, only stopping when he came to me, to 
inquire after the health of his Bavarian Majesty. Then he again 
left the hall, and meanwhile all present ranged themselves, on the 
left of the throne the members of the Federal Council, Bismarck 
and Perglas in front; on the right were empty chairs for the 
Princes, whilst we stood opposite the throne. Then the King 
appeared with the Princes, took up his position at the throne 
standing, covered his head and read the Speech from the Throne. 
We were all in a state of tense expectation; on me the speech 
had a tranquillising effect, and the general impression will prob- 


ably be the same. The cheers at the entrance of the King were 
led by Baron Frankenberg, President by seniority. At the close 
of the Speech from the Throne this duty was performed by Perglas. 
The formula had previously been discussed by Perglas, Delbriick, 
and Bismarck, whether it should be "King of Prussia" or 
"King Wilhelm." "King Wilhelm" was decided upon as it 
was thought to show greater consideration for South German 
susceptibilities. Perglas performed his part very well. After 
the opening ceremony the sitting was announced for three in the 
afternoon by the President by seniority. Previously I had an 
audience of the King. As usual he received me very kindly. 
He complained of the South Germans' perfectly unfounded fears. 
It was unjust, the King said, to impute a thirst for conquest to 
him. He then complained of the insults with which he was 
persecuted in South Germany. I made excuses for ourselves on 
the grounds that we could do nothing against the Press, as our 
legislation was deficient. He replied that he was not reproaching 
us. We then spoke of the Tariff Parliament. I emphasised the 
importance of its behaving quietly, and not trying to exceed its 
powers. The King agreed with me, but pointed to the elements 
which are asserting themselves in Darmstadt and pressing for 
admittance to the North German Federation because their 
position was untenable. However, at the same time he admitted 
that if Prussia were really to accede to these wishes, the French 
would regard it as a violation of the frontier of the Main, and that 
therefore it might bring about a war. As the King was fatigued 
and others were still waiting, the audience lasted but a very short 

At three o'clock the sitting of the Tariff Parliament took 
place. Hereat only the appointments to committees was effected. 
At four I paid some calls, at six I dined at Perglas's, with Viktor, 
Luxburg, and Berchem. At eight I had arranged to visit Bismarck. 
As usual I found him very pleasant and complaisant. In his 
remarks on the Tariff Parliament he was guarded. He expressed 
the hope that all would pass off quietly. We then went on to 
discuss the fortress question, regarding which he stated his 
approval of the plan for the distribution of federal property, 
and emphasised the necessity of Bavaria's occupying the pre- 
ponderant position in the question of the administration and 
garrisoning of Ulm, whereas Wiirtemberg was more concerned 
with Rastatt; he also said that Prussia did not contemplate 
injuring the South German States, more especially Wiirtemberg 
and Baden, by calling upon them to disburse sums of money. 
The main point was to make South Germany capable of defence. 
An understanding should be arrived at regarding the up-keep of 
Mayence, Rastatt, and Ulm. This would, however, be the natural 
outcome of the deliberations on the distribution of federal pro- 
perty. As regards war with France, it was as impossible to say 
anything definite about it as about the kind of weather to be 


expected in July. However, he did not believe that there would 
be war, as France would think twice before joining issue with 
Germany. The French plan of campaign was to invade South 
Germany with 50,000 men and force the States into neutrality. 
This would certainly be a difficult moment for South Germany, 
for though Prussia would instantly have 200,000 men at Coblentz, 
and within a brief delay 500,000 wherewith to march on Paris, 
still it required time. If we were prepared, and able to detain 
the French, so much the better. 

At nine o'clock I went to the Queen. She spoke at length 
about the King of Bavaria, and expressed her sympathy with him. 
She hoped that he would soon marry. Later on the King came, 
then Roggenbach, Watzdorf, and Viktor. Various matters were 
discussed, particularly the address,* which is condemned by all 
Conservatives. Bismarck is said to be against it, but expresses 
himself with caution. Here they are obviously anxious not to 
offend the National Liberal party. 

At the sitting of the Tariff Parliament on April 28, 1868, 
Prince Hohenlohe was elected First Vice-President by 238 out 
of 301 available votes (59 were for Freiherr von Thiingen). 
He accepted the election in the following words : 
" Permit me, gentlemen, to express to you my heart-felt thanks 
for the honour you have done me in electing me as your First Vice- 
President. I am, however, aware that I owe this honour, not to 
my own merits, but to the consideration which a great portion of 
this assembly believes to be due to the South German members. 
Yet this conviction does not lessen, but increases my gratitude. 
For if I may be allowed to say so, you here extend to us a friendly 
hand, which we clasp in the confidence that South German pe- 
culiarities and South German opinions will be treated in this 
assembly with respect and recognition, and that we shall succeed 
in discharging the task allotted to us by the treaty of July 8 of 
last year in patriotic concord and devotion. 


BERLIN, April 29, evening. 

This forenoon a sitting of committees came first. I found 
Franckenstein, Aretin, and Eichthal, who were members of said 
committee. Twesten was elected chairman, a few unknown per- 
sons as secretaries. 

Then the election of the President and Vice-President took 
place. This lasted an hour or two. Simson was chosen by a 
large majority, and I also, whereupon I returned thanks, which 
made a good impression, as I expressed myself easily and fluently. 

*The National Liberal motion of Metz and his colleagues proposed 
the presentation by the Tariff Parliament of an address to the King of 


The substance, too, was praised as being full of tact. I was glad 
to have made my debut thus. It is no easy matter to speak before 
this assembly. A number of members were introduced to me 
immediately afterwards. 

Hugo's * election was only confirmed by the second ballot. 

Then I went home to change, and at four o'clock we drove to 
the great banquet. It was a brilliant and splendid assembly, 
a great sight, the King and Queen very amiable. Casino and 
theatre in the evening. 

BERLIN, May 8, 1868. 

After arriving yesterday morning at eight o'clock in Berlin, 
I first sent to Roggenbach to obtain exact information as to the 
condition of the conferences respecting the address. And 
Roggenbach soon came, and told me the wording of his preamble, 
to the Order of the Day, to which I thought I could quite agree. 
The matter was also gone through with Tauffkirchen and Lux- 
burg, who arrived somewhat later, and it seemed that, after 
previous party discussions, the motion on the simple Order of the 
Day was considered to have the chief chance of being carried. 
Anyway, the withdrawal of the von Thiingen party was decided, 
should the simple Order of the Day not be carried, and the two 
Wiirtemberg Ministers had also made up their minds to leave the 
hall. I went to the sitting with the intention of voting for the 
address on the Order of the Day.f Bennigsen spoke first as 
prolocutor for the address. He was thoroughly calm and mode- 
rate, and his speech made a good impression. Then Thiingen 
spoke with conciliatory intention, but not particularly well. 
His reference to the friendship between South and North 
Germany being "a tender plant" was obviously unfortunate, 
for it provoked great hilarity in the assembly. Following 
him, Blankenburg spoke in favour of the simple Order of 
the Day, and Bluntschli for the address. Blankenburg had 
moved the simple Order of the Day, but accompanied by riders 
which were very acceptable. His speech was witty, but he 
reckoned too much on arousing the hilarity of the House. 
Bluntschli spoke at some length, diffusely, tired the assemblage, 
and thereby injured his cause. I now discovered that only the 
National Liberals and the South Germans in favour of joining 
the North German Federation were against the simple Order of 

* Prince Hugo zu Hohenlohe-Oehringen, Duke of Ujest. 

f The preamble to the Order of the Day of Freiherr von Roggenbach 
was worded as follows: "Whereas the reconstitution of the Zollverein 
on the basis of the Tariff treaty summons the representatives of the 
German people to combined action in legislative matters, and thereby 
affords a pledge of a continuous development of the national institutions 
and a peaceful fulfilment to legitimate national demands for the active 
union of the powers of State; whereas harmonious concerted action in 
executing the tasks of the Tariff Parliament is the chief means to further 
this end the Order of the Day is moved before the motion for the address." 


the Day, and that all other parties were in favour of it, except 
these members who, like Ujest and Roggenbach, had signed the 
preamble to the Order of the Day. Thereby I should have found 
myself, as Bavarian Minister, in the dubious position of voting 
not only against Conservatives and Ultramontanes, but also 
against the federalist groups. Thereby, notwithstanding the 
moderate wording of the preamble to the Order of the Day, I 
should have placed myself in the position of the party whose 
aim it is to effect the abolition of independence of single States. 
Such a position would have been more than equivocal, and would 
have compromised the Bavarian Government as such. After 
all the speakers against the address had urged adhesion to 
the treaties, and Thiingen himself to the horror of his party 
the continuous development by means of treaty, I decided to 
vote for the simple Order of the Day, and discussed the matter 
with Edel and a few other Bavarians, who quite approved of my 
decision. Even Stauffenberg, who had been obliged to vote 
against the simple Order of the Day, advised me to vote in its 

The majority accepted the simple Order of the Day,* thereby 
terminating a disagreeable debate of several days' duration. 
After the sitting this result was much discussed, but the great 
majority of those competent to judge are inclined to regard it as 
advantageous. For even if the national question is thereby 
adjourned, still it is in accordance with the present mood in South 
Germany, and will tend materially to reassure people's minds, 
which is the chief point for the time being, if the rapprochement 
of the German races is not to be menaced. In view of 
the French I would have preferred a different result, for they will 
be pleased with this one. However, if irritation in France is 
thereby allayed and peace secured, it certainly is a fortunate 

During the entire debate and the previous consultations 
Bismarck behaved with great reserve. They say that apprehen- 
sions of war are increasing here, especially in consequence of 
reports from England. I shall make some diplomatic calls to-day, 
and hope to hear something more definite. 

On May 21 a banquet was given by the town of Berlin at the 
New Exchange, in honour of the South German members of the 
Tariff Parliament. Count Bismarck made the first speech, 
which concluded with a hearty "Au revoir!" to his South 
German brethren. Thereupon Prince Hohenlohe replied: 

"The enthusiasm evoked in the hearts of South Germans by 
the words of the Federal Chancellor will prove to you that a 
rapprochement has taken place between the South and the North, 
which instead of being diminished has been increased by the 

*By 186 votes to 150. The majority was composed of Conservatives, 
the Progressive party, and the South German group. 


labours of the Tariff Parliament. I believe you will agree with 
me when I say that the achievements of German intellect have 
drawn closer the ties which link together the German races. 
To this fraternising of German intellect has been allotted a 
mission which is far higher and more glorious than other so- 
called civilising missions. (Enthusiastic applause.) Let us hold 
together in this spirit, in this mission. I call for cheers for the 
union of the German races!" 

After the Prince, Volk spoke on "the Future of the German 


BERLIN, May 23, 1868. 

In consequence of the number of fatiguing debates I had to 
discontinue my jottings. And indeed little of importance has 
occurred. The debates were interesting, but these have 
been taken down in shorthand and printed. Apart from the 
debates, a conversation with Varnbiiler concerning the fortress 
question was of importance, as also some talks with Bismarck, 
and finally a consultation which Bluntschli had asked for. 
Varnbiiler looks upon my position here askance; the Vice- 
Presidency of the Tariff Parliament, my good understanding 
with Bismarck, who knows that I do not deceive him, my rela- 
tions with the Court, &c. all this "poisons" him, and was the 
reason why his illness which, however, was bona fide was 
prolonged more than was perhaps necessary. 

At my first interview with Varnbiiler the fortress question was 
discussed.* Varnbiiler wanted to arrive at an understanding, 
but thought that he could easily get the better of me alone, and 
therefore wished to negotiate with me direct. I, however, sum- 
moned Volderndorff from Munich with the documents. At 
the interview we agreed that it was necessary to arrive at an 
understanding between Bavaria and Wiirtemberg before conven- 
ing the Liquidation Commission. Yet, whether it will be effected 

* The Federal Liquidation Commission had adjourned on July 31, 
1867, without carrying into execution the actual settlement that Bavaria 
had desired. The respective claims had only been determined arithmetically. 
This legal situation obstructed the territorial States' free control of the 
movable effects in the South German fortresses. Hence in April 1868 
the Bavarian Government had prompted negotiations with the object of 
" distributing, by definite apportionment, the movable effects of the some- 
time federal fortresses, which up to the present was actually common prop- 
erty." According to the wishes of the Bavarian Government, members 
be called upon to deliberate on the formation of a standing South German 
Military Commission, and upon uniform fortress regulations. In affairs, 
concerning the fortress of Ulm, it was a matter of the utmost urgency 
that there should be an understanding between Bavaria and Wiirtemberg, 
since from its geographical position it could fulfil its purpose only as a homo- 
geneously administered fortified position. 


is an open question, and therefore I did not assent to Varnbuler's 
wish; instead of giving up the convening of the Liquidation 
Commission, I formulated the protocol in such a manner that 
the convoking of the Liquidation Commission was not contingent 
on the consummation of an understanding between Bavaria 
and Wiirtemberg regarding Ulm. Varnbuler also wished that 
before the outbreak of a war with France, Prussia should give 
assurances : 

(1) That we shall take part in the peace negotiations after 
the war. 

(2) That after the war the constitutional situation shall re- 
main as it is. 

On this I remarked that Prussia would never agree. 
Varnbuler wanted to know if I had any objection, doubtless 
in order to refer it all to Bismarck. Meanwhile, as I am leaving 
to-morrow, I have let Perglas know, so as to keep an eye on 
Varnbuler. Bluntschli has been with me, to tell me that surely 
something ought now to be done to further the national question ; 
but nothing could be effected without Bismarck, and Bismarck 
was considerate to Bavaria, and therefore much depended upon 
us. Baden and Hesse, he continued, could not possibly 
remain longer as they are now ; Bismarck would include them also 
in the North German Confederation ; he did not care a bit about 
France, but did for Bavaria. Might not something be offered to 
us, an exceptional position, by which we would be so favoured 
that we could then more easily venture upon an alliance. Bavaria 
was a State of justifiable importance, which could not be treated 
like Baden and Hesse. 

To my inquiry what he understood by the favoured position 
of Bavaria, he said that diplomacy and the Army might be left 
to Bavaria ; to the King a post of honour, possibly a Vice-regency, 
might be conceded. I explained to him that it was very difficult 
to represent these concessions as sufficient. Those against enter- 
ing the North German Confederation would not allow themselves 
to be decided thereby. The dynasty would not, in order to avoid 
one eventuality which was no certainty, accept something 
positively distasteful. However, I left it to him to com- 
municate his views to me by letter. Roggenbach, to whom I 
spoke later, took the opposite view. He considered that nothing 
should be done now. There was no reason for it. 

BERLIN, May 24, 1868. 

During my parting visit to Bismarck conversation first turned 
on the Tariff Parliament, on its success, on the closing Speech 
from the Throne, which had not pleased the National Liberal 
party, a fact emphasised by Bismarck with a certain empresse- 
ment, and I then turned the conversation to the Army and fortress 
question. As regards this, he repeated what he had already told 
me, namely, that he would prefer if the discussions with the 


Bavarian Military Commissioner could be managed alone, 
without another from Wiirtemberg, as a disturbance of public 
opinion might easily be aroused by a combined discussion. As 
for the fortress question, he obviously has a high opinion of the 
Distribution Commission, and begged that the question might 
not be let drop. Concerning the military importance of Ulm, 
he did not express himself clearly; but from what he said he 
seemed to fear that if we gave over Ulm entirely to Wiirtemberg, 
unless the fortress were previously quite dismantled, then Austria 
would lay hands upon it when opportunity arose. How serious 
generally is Austria's attitude to Bavaria he sought to prove 
by relating that at Nikolsburg they had declared themselves 
ready to cede Austrian Silesia if the boundary of the Inn might 
then be shifted ; in like manner, audacious politicians at Nikols- 
burg had spoken of a cession of old Austrian Wiirtemberg from 
the Black Forest to Ulm. In any case, Bavaria's right to garrison 
Ulm must be discussed during the distribution. It is a good 
thing that we did not engage ourselves further to Varnbuler, and 
during the deliberations with the Wiirtemberg Commissioners 
it is imperative that we should not concede the smallest point, 
since Prussia is certain to support us for fear of Austria garrisoning 
Ulm in the future. Bismarck does not wish the Liquidation 
Commission to be convened before the end of August, for he 
attaches so much importance to it that he would not like to be 
without knowledge of what is taking place there, and yet will 
not cut short his leave at an earlier date. 

I then asked whether the question of the South German 
Confederation had not again been mooted from an Austrian 
quarter since Count Wimpffen's disclosure of the conversation 
between me and Beust in November. He, of course, observed that 
I only put this question in order to know what he would say to 
the South German Confederation, and he at once stated that he 
himself was in reality not opposed to it; he did not share the 
opinion that a division of Germany would bring about the per- 
manency of the Main frontier, but he did not enter into the 
matter further. However, he added, that if he was unable to 
declare himself in favour of it, it was because he would thereby 
offend public opinion and more especially the National Liberals, 
who would see in it an attack on the union of the German races. 
He, on the contrary, saw in it the means of effecting an under- 
standing. To my remark that for the promotion of this project 
a good understanding between Prussia and Austria was of im- 
portance, he replied that Beust had always been very reserved, 
that he had represented the Tauffkirchen mission in a false light 
and had omitted to take advantage of it, and that in consequence 
there had been a closer union between Russia and Prussia. He 
did not ignore the consideration which Beust owed the French, 
but regretted whether sincerely or not that a rapprochement 
between Prussia and Austria had hitherto been impossible. As 



regards the war question, he repeated to me what he had pre- 
viously said, that the French could only place 320,000 men in 
the field, whereas North Germany could have 500,000 at its 
immediate disposal. 

He further repeated to me a conversation he had yesterday, 
in which an opponent of the treaties of alliance from Wurtemberg 
had expressed himself to the effect that on the outbreak of war 
with France we should all have to advance against the French. 
He (Bismarck) had replied that it was an absolutely unjustifiable 
assumption to suppose that Prussia would make use of the 
treaties for wars of conquest. He did not know what Prussia 
was to conquer; he enumerated the border lands, mentioned 
Poland, Bohemia, Belgium, and Alsace. 

At length we parted on the most friendly terms. I refrained 
from alluding to the question of accrediting the Bavarian Minister 
by the North German Confederation, as I thought it advisable 
to abstain from exposing myself to an evasive answer ; moreover, 
I preferred to mention the matter to Werther. 

Speech delivered at the dinner in the Bayrischer Hof on 
Constitution Day, May 26, 1868. 

Gentlemen, If there is a day on which we may be proud to 
call ourselves Bavarians, if there is a festival which justifies us 
in looking upon the past with lofty satisfaction, and upon the 
future with joyous confidence, it is the festival which to-day 
celebrates the union of Prince and people, that union which is the 
basis of our freedom, our independence, and of our existence as 
a State. That we are able to celebrate this festival in unclouded 
gladness is due to our dynasty, and therefore it is fitting that there 
should rise before us to-day the stately figures of those monarchs 
who, in our own time, have held the fate of our country in their 

Thus we see first King Maximilian L, well named the Good 
by his people, the never-to-be-forgotten giver of the constitution: 
that exceptional Monarch who, of his own free will, offered the 
constitutional bond which has now for fifty years linked together 
Crown and people in harmonious co-operation. 

We see King Ludwig I., unfaltering and self-confident, 
ascending the throne of his fathers, and in a long reign, 
and a still longer life fraught with blessings, striving, in 
righteousness and steadfastness, towards those goals which 
his exalted mind singled out as right. What King Ludwig was 
to Bavaria, what he was to the world, has lately been set forth by 
more eloquent lips than mine; yet all eloquence must be put to 
shame in face of his achievements, and of the tears with which 
his people accompanied him to his last resting-place. 

Recollections of King Max II. unite to form a harmonious 
picture ; his hearty enthusiasm for truth and justice, his gracious 


clemency, his vigilant conscientiousness, which always enabled 
him to find the means of maintaining peace with his people, or 
if it was disturbed, of re-establishing it on a firm basis. 

Over all this princely line hovers a guardian spirit of 
fidelity, which repels any temptation to turn and twist the Royal 

Thus our most gracious Sovereign Lord, his present Majesty 
King Ludwig II., has assumed the reins of Government under 
the auspices of illustrious examples. 

On him also a rich profusion of intellectual gifts has 
been bestowed, richer, perhaps, than on any of his prede- 
cessors; and we are the readier to discern a sure guarantee 
for the future, in that the King has succeeded, during the brief 
duration of his reign, in promoting progress in our in- 
ternal circumstances in a manner which realises our fondest 
hopes. And just as the King has declared to his people to-day 
in sublime words, "that, following the example of his ancestors, 
he too will hold aloft the banner of the constitution," so we offer 
him to-day the expression of our gratitude, our veneration and 
our love, the love of his people, which is the true foundation of 
every princely throne. 

Report of FREIHERR VON PERGLAS, the Bavarian 
Minister at Berlin. 

BERLIN, May 25, 1865. 

Although I have already verbally acquainted your Highness 
with the intimation of the French Ambassador at Berlin, I do 
not omit to set forth the matter herewith in writing. 

Monsieur Benedetti came to me yesterday and lodged a formal 
complaint against the phrasing of a passage in the speech made by 
your Highness at the banquet at the Exchange, to wit, when 
your Highness spoke of the " so-called civilising mission of another 
nation." As the applause which greeted this idea and its wording, 
and the general opinion obtaining here, both go to prove that the 
passage refers unmistakably to France, he regretted exceedingly 
that your Highness should have felt inclined, as Minister of Ba- 
varia, to use the phrase publicly ; for it is being exploited by the 
Press, and on account of the still more insulting expression "so- 
called," has produced a very bad impression in France. He felt 
bound to characterise your Highness's action as not courtois, in 
view more particularly of the complete and absolute reserve dis- 
played by the French Government and the French Ambassador at 
Berlin on the occasion of the meeting of the Tariff Parliament, and 
with general reference to the domestic policy of Germany; hence 
he could not consider the attitude of your Highness as satisfactory 
or justifiable and made no secret to myself of the fact that he had 
drawn up his report to Paris from this point of view, the more so 
as his impressions were shared by all with whom he had discussed 
the subject. 


M. Benedetti had characterised the action as directed against 
the Emperor personally. In this case, and in reply to his remon- 
strances as a whole, I denied the existence of any direct intention 
on the part of your Highness to manifest an official or ministerial 
disregard of the feelings of France; further, I reminded the 
Ambassador of my mission to Paris, during which your Highness 
continually gave proof to the French Government, through myself, 
of the value which was attached to the maintenance of close 
and satisfactory relations with the French Government; hence 
I could not admit that your Highness had intended offence to any 
nation in the position of France, and least of all to the person 
of the Emperor. 

M. Benedetti requested me to transmit this communication to 
your Highness, he retained his attitude of protest, but did not 
change the character of the friendly and satisfactory relations 
subsisting between him and myself. 

Note oj the PRINCE under date May 28, 1868. 

The despatch of Freiherr von Perglas induced me, upon the 
occasion of the conversation with the Marquis de C adore, to ex- 
press my astonishment to the latter upon the communication 
from Benedetti transmitted through Perglas. I informed him 
that it was a total misconception for the Ambassador in Berlin 
to regard this as an official expression from the Bavarian 
Minister, that I had spoken as a member of the Tariff 
Parliament, had made no reference to the French Government, 
and could, therefore, only express my regret if this utterance, 
which must have been imperfectly reported, should have given 
rise to misunderstanding. 

To the BAVARIAN MINISTER in Berlin. 

BERLIN, May 28, 1868. 

In consequence of the communication contained in your 
report, I called yesterday upon the Marquis de Cadore, the Imperial 
Minister accredited to this Court, and expressed my astonish- 
ment at the fact that M. Benedetti had ventured to make a com- 
munication of this nature to myself through your Excellency. 
I observed that I could only assume this to be merely the pri- 
vate opinion of M. Benedetti, a view also shared by M. de Cadore. 
I further added that my expressions were not to be regarded as 
the official views of the Bavarian Government, and that in speak- 
ing to that toast, I had made no reference to the French nation, 
and therefore regretted any misunderstanding to which my ex- 
pressions might have given rise. This communication is intended 
merely for the official information of your Excellency, and implies 
no direction to you to pursue the subject any further. 



MUNICH, June 5, 1868. 

Yesterday I was at a dinner given by the French Minister 
to Prince Napoleon on the occasion of his passage through the 
town.* In addition to the Prince's suite and the staff of the 
French Legation, the guests included Count Castell, Count Moy, 
General von der Tann, Herr von Schrenck, and the Austrian and 
Italian Ministers. 

I sat next to the Prince. During dinner he discussed various 
points affecting the domestic administration of Bavaria, " the 
composition of the Upper House and its proceedings, the budget, 
&c. He seemed to be very well informed, and his questions were 
intended only to secure confirmation of what he had previously 
been told. 

After dinner the Prince took me aside in the course of the 
evening, and began a conversation upon points of more vital 
political importance. 

He spoke of Wiirtemberg, which he knows well, and said that 
the spirit of the Wiirtemberg officers had changed in a remarkable 
degree; they were dissatisfied with their position as officers of a 
small army, and were anxious to become part of a German 
army. He then referred to the Zollverein, and to the dangers 
with which the new organisation threatened the independence of 
the individual South German States, seeing that the proposal 
was not a convention, but a union, which would make us parts 
of a larger whole: he mentioned the comparison with Belgium, 
which had been already drawn in the well-known despatch of 
Count Quadt, but concluded by saying that nothing could be 
done. He also referred to the treaties of alliance, and contested 
their reciprocity. He said that he had asked Bismarck whether 
he would recognise a casus josderis supposing that Bavaria, in 
order to conquer the Tyrol, should declare war upon Austria, to 
which Bismarck had replied, "De droit, oui; de fait, non" 

He said that the South German Federation had previously 
been a possibility, but was so no longer. Wiirtemberg would 
renounce her independence in favour of a Grande Allemagne, 
but not in favour of Bavaria. If, indeed, the King of Bavaria 
were willing to stake his all to mount horse and to drive out the 
King of Wiirtemberg and the Grand Duke of Baden, with the 
help of the revolution, it might then be possible to found a South 
German Kingdom which would have Austria and France for 
its good friends and allies. He added: "Je n'ai jamais compris 
la triade avec deux souverains et une confederation" this Triad 
could only be founded upon a centralised monarchy ; this, however, 
was a dangerous method and therefore required a monarch of 
matured experience, very popular in Germany and resolved to act 
with boldness. 

* Prince Napoleon stayed in Munich from June 3 to 5 during his tour 
in Germany. King Ludwig could not make up his mind to receive him. 


Passing to the question of war, I ventured to remark that I 
could not understand the general desire for war in France, as no 
one would gain anything thereby. 

He admitted this, but said that the peculiarities of the French 
character must be considered. The Frenchman could not wait 
like the German. What he considered desirable he attempted to 
secure forthwith. Commercial intercourse was greatly hampered, 
and the Frenchman thought that the disturbances would cease 
after the war; as his immediate position was intolerable he 
hoped that war would bring peace and quietness and an improve- 
ment in trade. 

"Quant a moi" he added, "je trouve que la guerre est un 
immense malheur qu'il faut eviter a tout prioc, elle rfaura que des 
consequences funestes, et vous serez perdus les premiers. L'unite 
allemande sera faite. Vous avez done tout inter et a desirer la paix." 

Moreover he was convinced that Prussia did not desire war, 
as she had nothing to gain by it; there was no reason to upset 
the process of German development. He added, however, 
that though he thought the independence of the South German 
States was now menaced, yet that the danger was not immediate 
and that the actual situation might continue unchanged for many 

Throughout the conversation he displayed a great admiration 
for Bismarck, and a great respect for Prussian institutions. He 
regarded the talk of Prussia's domestic difficulties as a non- 
sensical exaggeration. He is well acquainted with the worst side 
of the Prussian character and regards the South Germans as more 
talented, more self-reliant, and more appreciative of the pleasures 
of life, whereas the North German was by nature restless and 
ever working for profit. At the same time he laid great stress 
upon the remarkable discipline of the Prussian nation, upon the 
military system and the administration. 

Eventually he spoke of the King. He said, "On dit que votre 
roi est charmant, qu'il a beaucoup d'esprit et de talent, mais il est 
timide!" I replied that I was sorry he could not make the King's 
acquaintance, but his Majesty had been very unwell and needed 
change of air in the mountains ; this the Prince regarded as per- 
fectly natural. 

Report to the KING. 

MUNICH, June 5, 1868. 

Your faithful servant ventures with his humble duty to apply 
to your Majesty for a grant of leave from June 12 until the end of 
the month for the purpose of recuperation in the mountains after 
the exhausting work of the past winter and of his stay in Berlin. 

At the same time he humbly requests your Majesty to con- 
sider the possibility of previously granting him an audience 
to receive his report by word of mouth upon his stay in Berlin, 
especially upon his conversation with Prince Napoleon. 


Your Majesty's gracious permission would enable his humble 
servant to put an end to those reports continually disseminated 
by parties and ambitious individuals, which represent your 
humble servant as deprived of the gracious confidence of your 


Marginal Rescript of the KING. 

After I have received you in audience, I am ready to grant 
the leave for which you ask in the hope that it may secure the 
necessary recuperation of your health and powers. 


SCHLOSS BERG, June 13, 1868. 


AUSSEE, June 15, 1868. 

Before leaving Munich, I wished to make a report to the King 
upon my stay in Berlin, and also upon my conversation with Prince 
Napoleon, and therefore sent a request for an audience. The 
Secretary Lipowsky replied saying that the King, "as a mark 
of his gracious confidence," would probably receive me on the day 
of the procession. During divine service I was informed that 
the King would receive me immediately after the procession. 

I found the King remarkably amiable and cheerful. He asked 
whether the flowers which he had sent to me from Hohen- 
schwangau arrived in good condition, at which I seized the 
opportunity to renew my thanks. We then spoke of my stay in 
Berlin; I told him that my final impressions were better than I 
had dared to hope at first, that even the National Liberal party 
recognised the constitutional claims of Bavaria, and understood 
that Bavaria was too big to enter into a relationship with the North 
German Confederation analogous to that of Saxony or Mecklen- 
burg. In any case I said there was nothing to be feared from 
Prussia for the present. The conversation then turned upon 
the Ultramontane party, with which the King showed much 
indignation. I explained that the party was necessary to the 
interests of the dynasty, but was to be kept at arm's-length as the 
Ultramontanes were anxious to unite Bavaria with Austria, and 
were, therefore, not to be trusted. With this the King fully 
agreed. When I observed that this party was aiming at my 
overthrow and were already prepared with a new Ministry, he 
said that the appointment of Ministers rested with him. He ex- 
pressed himself as entirely satisfied with my toast on the date of the 
Constitution Celebration, and especially referred to the eloquence 
of my speech. He then spoke of the Ministers, and said that I must 
exert greater authority, and that they must do what I told them 
as I was Premier. 

I replied that for this purpose I required only the King's 
confidence, and some proof that I possessed this confidence, which 
could best be secured if he often saw me personally, and issued his 


orders to the Cabinet directly through me. Passing to the visit 
of Prince Napoleon, he said that the Emperor's ill-humour (if such 
had been provoked by his refusal to receive the Prince) might be 
soothed if he wrote him a polite letter. I disputed this and said, 
"Qui s' excuse s j accuse" adding that nothing could be done now, 
and that if the King afterwards desired to win the favour of the 
French Court, this could best be secured by a short visit to Paris. 
When I told him that Prince Napoleon had been very sorry not 
to see him as he had heard so much of his Majesty, he seemed 
to be vexed and continually reverted to the point. The con- 
versation then turned upon the Meistersinger, which was to be 
produced on the 2ist by Wagner and Frau von Billow. In 
conclusion I asked for a fortnight's leave. 

In the evening Gustav Castell accompanied me to the theatre. 
He said that Holnstein had told him that I now possessed the 
King's full confidence, though my position a few weeks previously 
had been uncertain. Holnstein had told him that Lipowsky had 
been negotiating with Platen, who was to take my place. There 
must be a misunderstanding here. I am more inclined to think 
that negotiations have been opened with Windthorst in any case 
Lipowsky has been intriguing against me. Before my departure 
on the next morning, I therefore commissioned Volderndorff to 
look out for some one to take Lipowsky 's place, and at the same 
time to discover whether negotiations upon my successor had 
really been opened or not, in order that I might arrange for his 
removal after my return. 

The protocol of December 7, 1867,* had urged the military 
importance of organising some body which "should systematise 
the best points of junction between individual places and positions, 
while steadily keeping in view the defensive system of Germany." 
It had been originally intended to entrust this task also to the 
commission already charged with the continuance of the negotia- 
tions as to the regulations of the communal property of the German 
States. On April 9, 1868, the Bavarian Government advised a 
resumption of the work of the Liquidation Commission, which 
had been adjourned on July 31, 1867, proposing that the South 
German commissioners should also be requested to discuss the 
formation of a South German Military Commission. Baden agreed 
with this proposal on condition that the commissioners to be 
appointed should have the unrestricted right of discussing the 
composition and the competence of the proposed standing commis- 
sion, the formation of which was contemplated. The negotiations 
in Berlin between Bavaria and Wiirtemberg concerning Ulm 
ended in a convention which presupposed the South German 
Military Commission, and the performance of the proposals 
advanced by the protocol of December 7, 1867, thus became 

* See p. 267. 


immediately necessary to the execution of this convention. More- 
over Bavaria was now anxious for this commission to be formed 
before the Liquidation Commission resumed its labours. Hence 
it was thought desirable not to delay in meeting the wishes of the 
Baden Government which were directed to secure the representa- 
tion of the North German Confederation in the proposed commis- 
sion. The Bavarian Minister at Karlsruhe therefore laid before the 
local Ministry on July 3, 1868, a draft of "the general principles 
of the organisation of a South German Military Commission," 
which was to come into existence at Munich on July 15. The draft 
provided the commission with very extensive powers. Fortress 
authorities were "to be subordinated and pledged by oath" 
to the commission and were "to receive all instructions directly 
through the commission." The Baden Government regarded this 
demand, more especially because of the shortness of the notice 
given, as "unexpected and discourteous," and, on July 6, declined 
the invitation. 

Report to the KING. 

MUNICH, July 10, 1868. 

Inasmuch as verbal communications made by the Minister 
of the Grand Duke of Baden give reason to fear that the South 
German Military Commission initiated notice by your Majesty's 
most faithful servant, the undersigned, in conjunction with the 
Minister of War, will cause misgivings at Karlsruhe, and whereas 
these might perhaps be removed by a personal interview with the 
Archduke, your most faithful servant ventures to crave your 
Majesty's gracious permission to proceed to Baden-Baden under 
pretext of private business, there to endeavour to allay the doubts 
of the Grand Duke and obtain his consent to the proposals 
in question. 

At the same time the undersigned most respectfully ventures 
to crave your Majesty's gracious permission to take this 
opportunity to stop on the way at Stuttgart in order to arrange 
personally with Freiherr von Varnbiiler for the ratification of 
the Compact of Ulm. 


BADEN, July 14, 1868. 

Early on the i3th I arrived in Stuttgart, where I found a 
telegram from Varnbiiler, who told me to expect him back from 
his country house at ten o'clock. However, as early as nine 
o'clock he sent to ask if he might come to see me ; whereupon I 
went to him. 

He received me with the remark that he had just received 
the King's ratification and had accordingly given orders to 
draw up the protocol, and was ready to proceed at once to its 
signature and the exchange of copies. Next he pointed out 


what concessions Wurtemberg had made.* By the transfer of 
the Deputy Governorship to Bavaria in other words, the aboli- 
tion of the Wurtemberg Vice- Governor he said that the second 
city of the kingdom, in case of the Governor being incapacitated, 
was given into the hands of Bavaria ; the Director of Engineering 
was likewise a heavy sacrifice, and it was only with great diffi- 
culty that he had managed to arrange all this. 

Besides, the matter was bound to cause him grave difficulties 
in the Chamber difficulties which he could only grapple with 
successfully if we, on the other hand, met him on the question of 
communications. On this point he had already come to an under- 
standing with Herr von Schlor, and he begged me to support Herr 
von Senior's views. 

He expressed as his wishes the abbreviation of the appointed 
period within which the line from Heidenheim to Ulm was not 
to be built, the question of a branch southwards from Ulm, 
and the accelerated completion of the railway from Ansbach 
to Crailsheim. He was desirous that these points should be 
embodied in a State compact. I told him in reply that I had not 
as yet discussed the subject with Schlor, who was away on leave, 
but promised to do my utmost to meet his wishes. 

As regarded the Military Commission, he was convinced of its 
necessity. He had only to recall the points which were laid 
down at Munich: (i) The railways, mention of which in this 
general matter he would not admit. As military men under- 
stood nothing of railway affairs he could not let the direction 
of these out of his hands, but could at most allow an 
opinion to be given upon railway construction from the 
strategical point of view. (2) The question of the Presidency. 
If the Commission met at Munich, then to give Bavaria the 
Presidency into the bargain would be too much. If it sat 
anywhere else, he had no objection to raise against the proposal. 
He had gathered from the Prussian Minister that Baden had 
taken umbrage at the fact that we had held the conference and 
had signed the protocol of May 23 at Berlin, that Baden was 
annoyed at being out-voted and that all sorts of difficulties 
were being raised there. It would certainly not be difficult for 
me to clear up the misunderstanding with the Archduke. 

He was ready, he declared, to send some one to a conference 
but advised the postponement of the Liquidation Commission 
in order to gain time, for a conference of the South German 
States, and for the organisation of the Fortress Commission 
as he recommended its being called. 

If the Liquidation Commission were put off till September 10 
or 20, then the preliminary conference could be held in the course 
of August. Otherwise, on September i everything would be 
still in nubibus. 

* Bavaria, by the Compact of Ulm, was accorded the right of appointing 
the Deputy-Governor and the Director of Engineering. 


He then spoke about the elections, which had turned out so ill, 
because the Ultramontanes, on whose support the Government 
had reckoned, had at the last moment made a complete volte- 
jace and that in obedience to direct instructions from Rome ! 

Next he began upon Degenfeld,* whom he wishes to recall 
as soon as he can, viz., as soon as the elections of Knights, 
in which class Degenfeld had friends, should be over, then he 
will send either Linden or Soden. If he should find it im- 
possible to appoint Linden, I might help him out of the dilemma 
by writing a letter in favour of Soden. He will keep me informed 
as to this. 

After this interview was concluded, the protocol was signed. 
The exchange of documents will be made by Gasser, who, 
all this time, was in bed. 

At two o'clock I went to Baden. There a letter awaited me 
from the Grand Duke's Aide-de-camp, asking me to come to see 
the Grand Duke at eight o'clock the same evening. I found the 
latter quite restored to health. I opened my address at once 
with an exposition of the circumstances and an explanation 
of the misunderstanding, pointing out that no arrangement 
had been come to with Wiirtemberg, and that the discussion as 
to the Military, otherwise called the Fortress, Commission had 
only arisen out of the Ulm conferences; laid special stress 
on the necessity of an understanding between the South German 
States on the Fortress question; emphasised the fact that, 
particularly in view of the fears prevailing in Baden and 
Wiirtemberg as to some that a payment would have to 
be made, a previous standing agreement and the formation 
of an organ of administration would be advantageous, and 
asked for his consent. I made it clear that any participation 
on the part of Prussia in the Commission would not be tolerated 
by Bavaria and Wiirtemberg, and that I feared, if no arrange- 
ment were arrived at, that the liquidation proceedings would 
lead to a mutual increase of ill-feeling between these States 
and North Germany. Lastly, I insisted that the very attacks 
which were being made upon the scheme of the South 
German Military Commission on the part of the Ultramontane 
Press went to prove that it would not tend to the dissolution of the 
treaties of alliance, consequently that Baden could not be forced 
thereby into a course of action opposed to her present policy. 

The Grand Duke answered at great length. He expounded 
his policy, which he said was by no means directed 
towards any surrender of his sovereign rights; its basis was 
only this, that it behoved the smaller States of Germany 
to guard against groundless and extravagant ideas of 
sovereignty and to foster no illusions as to their status. 
Maintenance of the existing compacts of alliance, combined 
with reliance on Prussia, was the mainstay of their existence. He 
* Ambassador from Wiirtemberg at Munich. 


had no desire to be admitted into the North German Confederation, 
but the military organisation must, as far as possible, be put on 
the same footing as the Prussian. The Military Commission, 
proposed by us, constituted a power in the hands of the South 
German States which could be directed against Prussia, if a 
change of feeling should occur and the Ultramontane- Demo- 
cratic elements become predominant here. He would like the 
compact of alliance to be framed on the basis of the Peace of 
Prague, and this could be best accomplished by a Military Com- 
mission for Germany as a whole and a common administration 
of all the fortresses, not merely those of South Germany. 
This object could most readily be achieved by seizing the 
opportunity offered by the liquidation negotiations. I answered 
that a predominance of the Ultramontane- Democratic elements was 
still very far off ; but, if it ever did come, such a complete reversal of 
present conditions would accompany it that no Military Commission 
would then be wanted, but the compacts of alliance would be 
denounced. The commission, therefore, was no longer in question. 
As regarded the Peace of Prague, it was precisely the union of 
the South German States that this presupposed. Thus our pro- 
posal was far more in accordance with the Peace of Prague than 
the Grand Duke's own idea. Should the Grand Duke wish, in the 
course of discussion on the Military Commission, to make pro- 
posals relating to a union of the South German Military Com- 
mission with the military power of the North, it was always open 
to him to do so. We, too, desired no separation; what we de- 
sired was combined action in case of war, but at the same time 
no participation by a Prussian Commissioner in the deliberations 
of the Commission. That we could not and dared not allow. 
Our position was different from that of Baden, and we must 
do our best to maintain it. Moreover, I looked upon this as 
a point of honour .which touched the King. He, the Grand 
Duke, could as Sovereign pursue a national policy, and carry it 
as far as he pleased, but I as Bavarian Minister could not advise 
the King to renounce his independence. I therefore begged him 
at any rate not to refuse the conference. To this the Grand 
Duke declared himself ready to agree, and suggested that the 
War Ministers might meet to discuss the question of the 
Military Commission as well as the bases from which to 
start in the negotiations as to liquidation. The postponement 
of the term fixed for the opening of these negotiations met with 
his approval the more so as he attached importance to General 
Beyer, who has not yet returned here, being consulted. 

I begged permission to be allowed to discuss details with 
Freydorf, and this he also agreed to. 

July 14, evening. 

Herr von Freydorf arrived this evening from Karlsruhe to see 
me. I repeated in connection with the misunderstanding what I 


had already told the Grand Duke, and urged upon him the matter 
of the Military Commission. Herr von Freydorf was actually 
resolved (as Riederer* assured me subsequently) to commit 
himself to nothing. He deemed it hazardous in the interest of 
his position with the Liberal party of the country to pledge him- 
self to a step which the National Liberal party might count as a 
defection on his part from his Prussian proclivities this much 
he frankly admitted himself. Accordingly, he insisted from 
the first that we should keep to the original programme and dis- 
cuss the question of the Fortress Commission during the liquida- 
tion negotiations; then the wholesome influence of Prussian 
opinion would exert its due weight. He was inclined to think that 
the agreement which had been proposed in October 1866 should be 
held to determine the present case. 

To this I answered at once that times had changed, that 
what had been possible then could not now be carried out, and 
that, so far as Bavaria and Wiirtemberg were concerned, any 
participation on the part of Prussia in the administration of 
South German fortresses would not be accepted. Further, he 
had much exception to take to individual provisions of the points 
settled between the Bavarian War Minister and Suckow, declared 
himself unable to understand how the Commission could grant 
money by a vote of the majority against the will of the Govern- 
ments, repeated the objection which had already been raised by 
Riederer, that the Commission presupposed a renunciation of 
individual sovereign rights on the part of the South German States, 
and generally took up the same intractable and timid attitude 
he always adopts if a question arises of doing anything that might 
give offence at Berlin. 

I reassured him by reading the passage from Perglas's report 
according to which the King of Prussia had expressed his approval 
of the idea of the South German Military Commission, refuted 
the objections relating to individual points of the proposal, and 
assured him that we never contemplated a hostile attitude towards 
Prussia, but were wishful to uphold, though by diplomatic means, 
the connection between the Military Commission and the 
Prussian War Ministry. He should not aim at the impossible, 
but accept whatever good was to be got out of the Commission. 
Then he came to the formal difficulties, saying the Grand Duke 
was going away, that the War Minister had not yet arrived, that 
they could not make up their minds yet, &c. 

So, in order to arrive at some result and shake the Baden 
Government from its negative attitude and at any rate to procure 
its attendance at the preliminary conference, I urged that 
he might at least agree to this much, that a preliminary con- 
ference should be held among the South German States, 
or rather their representatives, to determine the position to be 
taken up at the Liquidation Commission ; and in order to render 
* Freiherr v. Riederer, Bavarian Minister .at Karlsruhe. 


participation therein possible for Baden, I proposed the assem- 
bling of this preliminary Conference at Munich on August 20. 
If necessary the opening of the Liquidation Commission could 
be postponed till about September 10. This he finally consented 
to the more readily when I assured him the Grand Duke had 
given his approval. 

Accordingly we agreed that, entirely apart from any previous 
correspondence, but solely on the basis of our verbal discussion, 
the proposal should be made on the part of Bavaria that a con- 
ference of the members associated on the Liquidation Commission, 
or of the War Ministers as well (or at any rate the Baden Minister 
of War, the Grand Duke appearing to attach importance to this 
point), should meet at Munich on August 20, at which conference 
(i) an understanding should be arrived at as to the general prin- 
ciples which the South German Governments will assume as a 
starting-point in the liquidation proceedings; and (2) further, 
on the part of Bavaria and Wurtemberg the proposal for a per- 
manent Fortress Commission or Military Commission should be 
brought under discussion. It is true Freydorf maintained that 
this could lead to no result, as no one knows yet whether the 
liquidation negotiations will lead to any clear declaration of the 
subjects to be referred to this commission; at the same time 
he had no objection to raise against the conference, and will lay 
the matter before the Grand Duke and the Council of Ministers. 
Thus we are not called upon to wait to see what answer they give 
us here, but may arrange at once the necessary preliminaries. 
Meantime arrangements for the Liquidation Commission can also 
be so far advanced as to ensure all the necessary material being 

July 15. 

This morning I saw the Prussian Minister, Count Flemming. 
I made no scruple about informing him what I have settled with 
Freydorf. He asked the reason why we had again abandoned 
the original idea of seizing the opportunity of the Liquidation Com- 
mission to hold the preliminary conference regarding the Military 
Commission. I told him that a Military Commission arising out 
of the Liquidation Commission, on which Prussian Commissioners 
sit, would inevitably be regarded with distrust in South Ger- 
many, that I considered the holding of such a commission necessary 
in the general interest of all, and that we would not consent to 
the participation of a Prussian commissioner or authorised agent 
in the discussions. The proposal for a common administra- 
tion of the erstwhile fortresses of the German Confederation, as 
had been suggested in October 1866, was now impracticable. 
Then I demonstrated the emptiness of the apprehensions which 
had been expressed by Freydorf in the Prussian interest in oppo- 
sition to the South German Military Commission, pointing out 
the repeatedly declared wishes of the South German Govern- 
ments to keep intact the Compacts of Alliance. 


Count Flemming begged me to dictate these points in precise 
terms, that he might draw up a report to his King dealing with 
them. To this I agreed all the more willingly, as it gave me an 
opportunity of having the matter represented to his Majesty in 
the manner most nearly corresponding to our intentions. 

Count Flemming, to whose advice the Grand Duke attaches 
great importance, declared himself agreeable to the assembling of 
the conference on August 20, which suggests a hope that the Baden 
Government will consent to be represented at the conference in 

On July 1 6, at an early hour I again left Baden. 

Report to the KING. 

MUNICH, July 22, 1868. 

If your Majesty's most faithful servant, the undersigned, 
presumes to express his opinion to your Royal Highness on one of 
those matters which are usually reserved for your own gracious 
judgment, he may venture perhaps to count on forgiveness, if 
your Majesty will most condescendingly take into consideration the 
fact that there are certain decisions in connection with your Maj- 
esty's private life which are of paramount importance as affecting 
the interests of the State in general. 

Your Majesty has entrusted the undersigned with the conduct 
of Foreign Affairs, with the duty of safeguarding the maintenance 
of the Monarchy and your Majesty's rights. Whatever, there- 
fore, is capable of exerting an influence on the welfare of the State, 
and the State's independence and power, the undersigned, your 
Majesty's most devoted servant, is bound to make the subject of 
his constant care and anxiety. 

To this category belong emphatically the relations of your 
Majesty with foreign Sovereigns. 

Your Majesty is aware of the dubious position which the secon- 
dary States of Germany, and Bavaria in particular, have occupied 
since the War of 1866. By the dissolution of the Germanic 
Confederation, Bavaria is left in a situation which demands the 
utmost circumspection and sagacity, if the kingdom is to preserve 
its independence in the face of disturbing elements that grow more 
and more formidable. Albeit under existing conditions the king- 
dom can form no alliances with foreign Powers, yet in the 
friendly relations of your Majesty with foreign Sovereigns 
-especially such as can make their voices heard and respected 
in the councils of the European Powers is to be found a guar- 
antee which we should by no means regard too lightly. Among 
such Powers, Russia is undoubtedly to be included. Your 
Majesty's personal relations with the Russian Court are 
at the present moment of the best and most friendly de- 
scription. This your most faithful servant, the undersigned, 
has always noted with pleasure and satisfaction in the 



interest of your Majesty. He cannot, therefore, fail to desire 
that this state of affairs should be maintained undisturbed. 
To secure this object an excellent opportunity is afforded by 
the presence of the Imperial Family at Kissingen. Your 
Majesty has been pleased to acknowledge as much in presence of 
the undersigned and to express your Majesty's intention of pay- 
ing a visit there to the Czar and Czarina. Your Majesty's 
most faithful servant would not therefore venture to recur 
a second time to this subject had he not reason to appre- 
hend that your Majesty might have received advice of an 
opposite complexion from another quarter, and the opinion has 
been expressed that such a visit is not necessary or is without 
political signification. 

Your most faithful servant, the undersigned, believes, on the 
contrary, that the omission of this visit would undoubtedly be 
regarded by the Imperial Russian Court not merely as a sign of 
indifference, but as a direct slight. Should this give rise to a 
feeling of pique on the part of the Imperial Family, the conse- 
quence would be that in future emergencies when your Royal 
Highness might find desirable the support and intercession of the 
Russian Court, your Majesty, instead of such support and inter- 
cession, would meet with decided hostility. In the opinion there- 
fore of the undersigned, even a brief visit to Kissingen, it may be 
with only a small suite, perhaps on the occasion of the Czarina's 
birthday, will be of great and far-reaching importance. To leave 
no room for the suspicion that your most devoted servant, the 
undersigned, shares the views of those who attribute a small degree 
of importance to your Majesty's visit to Kissingen, -he holds 
himself bound to inform your Majesty most respectfully of his 
opinion, and, in the consciousness of the most loyal attach- 
ment, urgently to advise your Majesty to be graciously pleased tp 
pay a visit to the Imperial Russian Family at Kissingen. 

King Ludwig betook himself to Kissingen on August 2, accom- 
panied by Prince Otto, and remained there in close and frequent 
intercourse with the Russian Imperial pair until August 10. 

On August 13 Prince Hohenlohe went to Kissingen. 


STARNBERG, September 28, 1868. 

In obedience to the Royal command I came to this place to 
attend, as Minister of the Household, the marriage of the Duchess 
Sophie with the Due d'Alenfon, son of the Due de Nemours. 
Prince Adalbert and Minister Pfretzschner were appointed to act 
as witnesses. As the latter preferred to spend the night at Starn- 
berg, I decided to leave yesterday afternoon at half-past two. 
We arrived at four o'clock, took possession of our rooms at the 
Hotel am See, and then took a walk, dined at five o'clock and 


then went down again to the shore of the lake in hopes of seeing 
something of the illuminations which were to take place nominally 
in honour of the Czarina of Russia then staying at Berg. But it 
was nine o'clock, and as nothing happened we preferred not to 
wait about any longer, and soon got to bed. The fireworks and 
illuminations would seem to have been very fine, but very little 
could be seen here. It was Sunday, and consequently a numerous 
and beery contingent of the general public had taken post under 
our windows, and kept up a horrible din and shouting. At in- 
tervals they sang "popular airs," but these almost immediately 
degenerated into mere brutish yells. However, I soon fell asleep, 
especially as a wholesome storm of rain dispersed the gang. This 
morning I went to the railway station to see the Empress of Russia 
depart. Tauffkirchen * was there too, to pay his respects to the 
Empress. The King accompanied the Empress and travelled some 
distance with her on the railway in the direction of Munich, but 
I do not know how far. 

At ten we drove over to Possenhofen in my carriage, which I 
had had brought here yesterday. It was not eleven o'clock 
yet, so we were taken first to our rooms. In mine there was a 
villainous bad smell. Soon the time for the wedding ceremony 
arrived, which took place in a hall of the Castle transformed into 
a chapel. The guests assembled in the adjoining salon, where a 
grand piano further blocked the scanty space available. Pfretz- 
schner and I hastened to get ourselves presented to all personages 
of rank. Besides the family of the Duke Max, Prince Adalbert 
and Prince Karl were there. The latter bowed to me across the 
room with a look such as one generally bestows upon a scor- 
pion. Then Count and Countess Trani. The Hereditary Prin- 
cess Taxis wore a mauve or violet dress trimmed with white. 
Others present were the Comte de Paris and his brother, the 
Due de Chartres, two young and well-built princes, but who give 
the impression rather of Prussian than of French princes. The 
Due de Nemours looked like a French dandy from the Cercle 
de VUnion. He wore the Order of St. Hubert, as did his son, 
the bridegroom. The Due de Nemours recalls the portraits 
of Henri IV., yet he has a certain look of his own that 
makes you set him down as a pedant. The young Due 
d'Alencon is a handsome young man of a fresh countenance. 
The Prince de Joinville and his son, the Due de Penthievre, 
have nothing very striking about them. The former is old-looking 
and bent, too old-looking for his age, dignified and courtly. The 
Due de Penthievre has a yellow, rather Jewish face, and speaks 
with a drawl, but was very kind and friendly to me. Duke 
August of Coburg is as tedious as ever. I was interested to 
become acquainted with his wife, the Princess Clementine, a 
clever, lively woman. 

* Count Tauffkirchen was at that time Bavarian Minister at St 

VOL. i x 


The Princess Joinville, a Brazilian Princess, is rather mummi- 
fied, with big rolling eyes in a long, pale, wrinkled face. Then 
there were two daughters of Nemours there too, one grown up, the 
other a little girl. The ladies were all in "high dresses." The 
bride in white silk, trimmed with orange blossom, with head-dress 
of orange blossom and a tulle veil. On the sleeves braids of 
satin, after the pattern of the Lifeguardsmen's stripes. A lady- 
in-waiting attached to the Nemours party wore a flame-coloured 
silk with straw-coloured trimmings. When all were assembled, 
we proceeded to the chapel. The bridal couple knelt before 
the altar. Behind them, on the left, Prince Adalbert, behind 
him we two Ministers, and then behind us the gentlemen of the 
House of Orleans. On the other side the Due de Nemours and 
the Duchess, likewise all the Princesses. Haneberg began the 
ceremony with a suitable address. Nobody cried, but Duke 
Max looked rather like it once or twice. The bride appeared 
extremely self-possessed. Before the "affirmation" the bride- 
groom first made a bow to his father, and the bride did the 
same to her parents. The Duchess's "Yes" sounded very 
much as if she meant "Yes, for my own part," or "For aught 
I care." I don't wish to be spiteful, but it sounded like that 
to me. After the wedding, I kissed the Duchess's hand, 
and congratulated her. She seemed highly gratified and 
pleased. The pause between the wedding ceremony and the 
State dinner we spent in our room. I forgot, by-the-by, to 
say that during the Mass a military band played an accom- 
paniment to the religious ceremony. It began with the overture 
to one of Verdi's operas, I don't know whether it was 
Traviata or Trovatore. It was but a mediocre performance, the 
sort of stuff you hear played at dinners. 

The State dinner was held downstairs in two halls. In one 
sat all Royal personages and myself along with Pfretzchner, 
in the other the courtiers. The health of the bridal pair was 
drunk without speechmaking. I sat between the young Princess 
of Coburg and Duke Ludwig. The dinner was not particularly 
long, nor was it particularly good either. On rising from table 
there was some more standing about, and then all the company 
separated. The Orleans Princes took their departure at once, 
about half-past four, as did the other Princes. Only the Due 
de Nemours stays on till the day after to-morrow with his 

We drove back to Starnberg in one of the Ducal carriages, 
from whence we return to-day to Munich by the eight o'clock train. 

At dinner the "Wedding Chorus" from Lohengrin was 
played. It must have been singularly agreeable to the King's 
ex-fiancee. Another odd coincidence was that the very evening 
before, the lake and mountains were illuminated (for the Czarina), 
and the King had to celebrate in this way his erstwhile fiancee's 
bridal eve. 


The Comte de Paris spoke to me about war and peace, 
and maintains that popular feeling in France is opposed to 
war. But he said it was difficult to gauge public opinion in 
France, the Press is so wanting in independence. 

He is a sensible, well-meaning man, who would make an 
excellent Constitutional King of France. 

MUNICH, October i, 1868. 

At to-day's reception of the diplomats appeared the Papal 
Nuncio amongst the rest, and brought me an article in the 
Neueste Nachrichten, in which the bestowal of the " Golden 
Rose" by the Pope on the Queen of Spain, and the bestowal 
of the Order on Bucher at Passau is criticised. The Nuncio 
deplored this. I answered that I much regretted these extrava- 
gancies, and that I was prepared, if he cared to entrust me with 
the task, to take the necessary steps for criminal proceedings 
against the paper inculpated as I had before now done at the 
instance of Ambassadors from foreign Powers. 

Regarding Bucher, I added that I really could not conceal 
my surprise that the Papal Government should allow a decora- 
tion to be conferred on an individual who makes it his business 
to pursue the Bavarian Government with common, vulgar 
insults, an individual whose personal character is of the worst, 
and whom I could only designate as a chenapan (a scamp). To 
confer Orders of Merit under suchlike circumstances cannot 
surely ameliorate the relations between friendly Governments. 

The Nuncio was a good deal impressed by this somewhat 
outspoken expression of opinion; he declared he knew nothing 
of the circumstances, but appealed to the fact that Bucher 
was represented at Rome as a devoted servant of the Church, 
and hinted that the matter had been brought to the front by 
Cardinal Reisach. I accepted this as true, but nevertheless, 
remarked in conclusion that the Church was no gainer if its head 
championed a common journalist as against the Bishop, on 
whose piety and zeal nobody could cast a doubt. 

The efforts of the Prince in Baden had led to the result 
that the Baden Government took its part in the negotiations 
concerning the formation of a South German Fortress 
Commission. The decisive factor in bringing about this result 
was the opinion expressed by the Prussian Government.* 
On July 31, the Minister for Baden at Munich, Robert 
von Mohl, announced the consent of his Government to the 

* The Baden War Minister, General von Beyer, had consulted, on 
July 19 and 20 at Berlin, with Roon, Moltke, and Thile, and on the 2ist 
and 22nd conferred with the King at Ems. The latter was well pleased 
with the report of the Prussian Minister on the Baden negotiations. 


meeting of a commission on September 21 "for preliminary 
consultation as to the formation of a Fortress Commission." 
On August 24 the invitation to Munich was accepted by 
decision of the Grand Duke. The Baden delegates were instructed 
to further in every way possible the union of South Germany 
with the North German Confederation, and to oppose everything 
which might be prejudicial to such union. As the most direct 
means of securing this object was indicated the maintenance 
of the common ownership of the fortress equipments. On 
September 21 the commission assembled at Munich. Bavaria 
was represented by Prince Hohenlohe and the War Minister, 
von Pranckh; Wiirtemberg by the War Minister, Freiherr von 
Wagner, State Councillor, von Scheuerlen, and Colonel 
von Suckow; Baden by the War Minister, General von Beyer, 
and Robert von Mohl. Prussia had instructed her Minister 
at Munich to the following effect: that Prussia claimed no 
full and formal participation in the commission to be formed, 
that she would be satisfied with the power to give assist- 
ance in definite cases and under definite circumstances, and 
that the miscarriage of the negotiations on the question of the 
participation of Prussia was to be deprecated. After a great 
deal of discussion at the earlier sittings, Bavaria, at the 
sitting of September 25, made a proposal to meet the views 
of Baden, viz. that the Prussian military delegate at the 
sitting of the Military Commission should be kept informed 
of all proceedings, that on subjects of importance an expression 
of his opinion should be invited beforehand, and respected 
so far as might be feasible, and that Prussia be invited to 
take part in all inspections of fortresses. On September 27, 
the Prussian Ambassador at Karlsruhe for the second time 
expressed the view of his Government, to wit, that Prussia laid 
no claim to participate in the Military Commission, but did 
wish to see an agreement arrived at. After a preliminary 
adjournment of the proceedings of the commission, on Sep- 
tember 26 a pause was agreed to for the purpose of recording 
the results arrived at, and the next sitting fixed for October 5. 
At this stage the success of the work was questioned by 
Wiirtemberg. Baden had, with her consent, made the stipu- 
lation that the Fortress Commission should only come into 
existence after the commencement of the sittings of the 
Liquidation Commission, and after the assent of Prussia to the 
understanding with regard to the participation of the North 
German Confederation. Referring to this, Wiirtemberg now 
declared that there was no point in concluding the agreement 
before the beginning of the Liquidation Commission. Moreover, it 
would be convenient to fix the concessions in favour of Prussia and 
the North German Confederation before constituting the Fortress 
Commission in negotiation with the said North German Con- 
federation. Objection was raised to the Bavarian presidency of the 


Fortress Commission, on the ground that a Bavarian hegemony 
in Southern Germany would thereby be suggested. Finally, an 
arrangement was arrived at on the basis that the concessions 
embodied in Article VII. of the agreement in favour of Prussia 
were struck out, whereupon Baden included this clause in 
the proviso, on condition of which she assented to the agreement. 


MUNICH, October 4, 1868. 

Yesterday Herr von Baur, the Wiirtemberg Secretary of 
Legation, came to me and brought me a despatch of his Minister, 
of which he left a copy with me; this was so conceived as to 
force me to the conclusion that Wiirtemberg wished to break off 
altogether the negotiations regarding the Fortress Commission. I 
could not make head or tail of it, as it was a direct contradiction 
with earlier expressions of opinion on the part of Varnbiiler, and 
communicated its contents to Volderndorff, who at once advised 
extreme measures. Meantime I laid it quietly on one side and 
awaited the advent of the Wiirtemberg delegate, who put 
in an appearance to-day. In the course of the conversation 
with him it became clear that since the sending of the despatch 
in question another reversal of policy has occurred, and 
Wiirtemberg now declares herself ready to agree to the con- 
clusions of the agreement, if it is modified as regards the 
status of Prussia in such a way that the particular determination 
of the relation of the South German fortresses to the North 
German Confederation remain in abeyance until the meeting 
of the Liquidation Commission. I deplore this, because at 
the Commission Prussia will bring pressure to bear; however 
Scheuerlen explained that at Stuttgart no apprehension was felt 
of such pressure, and indeed they would rather leave the first 
move to the other side than have to make the first bid them- 
selves. We risk little in the long run, and as this is the only 
means of bringing about the Commission, I intend to accept the 

Before half -past one I drove out to the reception on the occasion 
of the October festival. I took Oettingen with me, as he had no 
carriage. We got away about half-past one. There we found 
the Diplomatic Corps and sundry other uniformed gentlemen in 
the pavilion. The King came at two o'clock and was greeted 
with cheers. First he conversed with the diplomats, and after- 
wards with us. He made a point of talking a very long time with 
me about the Empress (the Czarina), about political matters, 
about the intrigues that had been directed against me, saying he 
meant to take no kind of notice* of them, and was especially 
and particularly amiable. The circle lasted a very long while, 
then he visited the animals, the distribution of prizes for these 
was made, and to wind up the horrible horse-races came off 
a positive scandal, but one which cannot be abolished. 



MUNICH, October 6, 1868. 

To-day the preacher of the "Free Congregation" at Nurem- 
berg, a regular clod, came to see me, to bring me a memorial 
from his congregation to the Minister of Public Worship. Com- 
plaint is made in it that while their pastor can perform all 
other duties connected with public worship, he cannot speak at 
the graveside, because he is not a native-born Bavarian. I 
cannot quite see why a man must hold a certificate of Bavarian 
birth to deliver a funeral address ! 

The fellow looked a German all over, tall, hair just turning grey, 
moustaches and a small imperial, dressed in black, monstrously 
fat, with a fanatical look. The Germans are fanatical even in 
unbelief! He told me they held no dogma, their creed was to 
propagate humanitarian ideas, virtuous living, and so on. 
After he had explained his business to me, I asked him the 
political tendencies of the congregation. He said a section 
belonged to the -democratic wing of the Greater Germany group, 
the other and larger section National-Liberal. The former had 
no connection with the Ultramontanes. Their conjunction at 
the elections of the Tariff Parliament, he declared, was purely 
accidental and temporary. 

After him came Chief Superintendent of Works Ritgen von 
Giessen, who spoke to me of the Germanic National Museum. 
He told me he was at work on the history of the dwelling-house, 
and proceeded to make some interesting historical observations 
on the development of human habitations, which originated, 
he said, in Central Asia and had all developed on the same lines. 
Originally men lived in promiscuity with the cattle, then came a 
segregation, and later again a further segregation of the several 
branches of the family by division of the rooms. He means to 
publish his results. 

MUNICH, October 10, 1868. 

Having at last come to an understanding with Wurtemberg, 
I thought the conference must now come to an early conclusion. 
But unfortunately General Beyer failed to get from Karlsruhe 
the authorisation to sign, and therefore resolved to return yester- 
day evening in person to Karlsruhe, there to get instructions for 
the Minister, who remains behind here. 

Both the Wurtemberg delegates came to see me yesterday at 
five o'clock, and as they had been waiting all day long for a sitting, 
they had occupied themselves in drinking by way of passing the 
time. Councillor of State Scheuerlen was very red about the 
gills and smelt like an old wine-cask. He invited me to dine with 
him at Marschal's, a restaurant in the Dultplatz. I accepted, 
and found awaiting me there Volderndorff as well as Baur, and a 
Wurtemberg Finance Councillor, Knapp by name. There was 
much eating and still more drinking. Presently Scheuerlen 


delivered a long speech upon me, in which he extolled my 
"German heart" and "my gaze fixed always on high aims"; to 
which I replied that if ever I had been praised for a conciliatory 
disposition, I thought I might claim to have proved the truth of 
such commendation to-day, as I had succeeded in making friends 
with the Swabian quidnuncs. I finished up with a toast to the 
noble Swabian stock and its representatives then present. At 
eight o'clock the company dispersed in high good humour. I 
accompanied Suckow to the play, where I took leave of General 

October n, 1868. 

At noon yesterday I received the news that the Baden dele- 
gates had got their instructions. I made instant haste to send out 
the invitation to the conference for three o'clock. By that time 
all was ready. Only the Minister of War, Pranckh, was missing. 
We sent after him, but he was nowhere to be found. So I opened 
the sitting without him, we assembled quickly, and at five o'clock 
we were in a good state of forwardness. About six I went to the 
Minister of War to communicate the results to him and invite 
him to come and sign at half-past seven. I found he had just 
got back to his office, where he had only that minute opened 
my midday letter. From twelve o'clock till six it seems he had 
been out walking. To cap the climax, he asked if it was really 
necessary for him to come at half-past seven, as he had a card- 
party at his house at eight o'clock ! However, he saw he had 
said a silly thing in asking the question, and immediately promised 
that he would come. I had been all day long at the Ministry, and 
had only managed to snatch half an hour to take a snack at the 
Quatrefous.* Thus the War Minister, though the matter con- 
cerned him in the highest degree, gives six hours of the day to 
going walking and the evening to his card- party, and that on 
a day when in deed and in truth the honour of Bavaria was at 
stake, for had we failed to reach a settlement, we should have 
been supremely ridiculous ! 

That evening the signatures were appended. I made a farewell 
speech. I was thanked for the excellent way the proceedings had 
been conducted, and everybody separated at nine o'clock. 

The agreement "relating to the formation of a Fortress 
Commission" of October 10, 1868, f lays down that the 
meeting-place of the commission is to be in yearly rotation at 
Munich, Stuttgart, and Karlsruhe, and that Bavaria is to exercise 
the presidency provisionally for the first three years. Each 
State may appoint several representatives, but they only exercise 
one vote altogether. Instructions to the commission are : to su- 
perintend the administration of the three fortresses of Ulm, Ras- 
tatt, and Landau, their defensibility from military and technical 

* A restaurant and wine-bar. 

f Printed in Hirth's Annalen des Deutschen Reichs, 1872, p. 1579. 


points of view, their strategical relation to each other as well as 
to the other German fortresses and defensive positions, as also to 
consider the construction, maintenance, and provision for military 
use of strategic railways and roads. The Commission is to 
inspect the fortresses. The relation to the Governments is that of 
an advisory board whose duty is to make suggestions. Any Gov- 
ernment failing to respect a vote of the commission is held bound 
to communicate its reasons to the remaining Governments. Ar- 
ticle VII. of the Agreement lays down: "The three Governments 
recognise the necessity of the co-ordination of the defensive 
system of North and South Germany, and bind themselves to 
regulate accordingly, on the occasion of the next assembling of the 
Liquidation Commission, the main principles for the preservation 
of this co-ordination as well as for the administration of the ma- 
teriel heretofore held in joint ownership by the Confedera- 
tion." Article VIII. declares that the compacts of alliance 
concluded with Prussia are not affected prejudicially by the 
formation of the commission. In case of war the powers of 
the commission are suspended. Simultaneously with the 
"agreement" three "protocols" were signed. One of these 
protocols explains the understanding of the three Govern- 
ments with regard to the position to be taken up in the coming 
discussions and negotiations of the Liquidation Commission. 
All three Governments declare any division of, the former 
movable property of the league, whether a division of the property 
itself or by sharing the proceeds of an auction-sale, to be in- 
admissible. Bavaria would raise no objection, from her side, to a 
redemption by the territorial States of the meteriel lying in the 
several fortresses. But inasmuch as Baden and Wiirtemberg 
oppose, it has been decided not to make any proposal of the sort, 
and when the time comes to vote against it. Baden considers the 
most important object to be the administration of the common 
property by a united German commission under the presidency of 
Prussia. But as Bavaria opposes this, " Wlirtemberg and Baden 
pledge themselves to vote in the first instance neither for the 
making of such a proposal nor for this mode of procedure." Ba- 
varia and Wtirtemberg desire the control of the materiel to be 
in the hands of the Fortress Commission. However, as Baden 
is unwilling to commit such far-reaching powers to the Fortress 
Commission, the control is to be vested in the territorial Govern- 
ments, and merely to be under the supervision of the Fortress 
Commission. A "distinct and separate protocol" of. October 10 
lays down in the first place that both the protocol just mentioned 
and the agreement are to be communicated to the Prussian 
Government before the assembling of the Liquidation Commission. 
Baden further declares that "the Fortress Commission can 
come definitely into existence only after the completion of the 
proceedings of the Liquidation Commission and after the ac- 
quiescence of Prussia in the decision regarding the participation 


of the North German Confederation," and that its approval of the 
agreement is to be looked upon as given only with this proviso. 

Further, the Baden Government declares with regard to Article 
VII. of the Agreement that in the common interest of Germany 
it is bound to try to secure the co-operation of the North German 
League in the activity of the Fortress Commission, at any rate 
under such a form that the commission shall communicate the 
result of all its deliberations to the Prussian delegate attending 
their sitting and shall take his opinion on more important ques- 
tions; also that the North German League shall be permitted 
to be represented by a Deputy at the periodical inspections of the 

Extract from a communication to the Bavarian Minister. 

MUNICH, November 8, 1868. 

. . . The question of the relations between Prussia and 
Austria has again been the subject of much anxious thought to 
me. I must begin by saying that I agree with you that neither 
to ourselves nor to Europe, that is to the cause of European peace, 
is a mere alliance of the German greater Powers of any advantage. 
To say nothing of the stipulations which such an alliance may 
involve, and which might specially affect us to our prejudice, 
alliances are always easy to dissolve and offer nobody a guarantee 
when once the purpose is attained for which they were formed. 
The only thing that can save us, and the only thing that can 
ensure a lasting European peace, is a confederation of States that 
should unite together Austria, Prussia (in other words, the North 
German League), and Bavaria. I say Bavaria, understanding 
thereby the South German group of States which Bavaria would 
be called upon to represent. 

In this way we should secure the formation of a great central 
defensive Power in Europe, " without whose leave not a cannon- 
shot would be fired." 

It is self-evident in that case that Prussia would have to 
concede the admission of Austria as a whole together with 
Hungary, and make Austria's interests in the Lower Danube 
her own; in short, she must rise to the occasion and adopt a 
very sublime and imposing policy. I know perfectly well what 
Bismarck would say to this: "I cannot give up the Russian 
Alliance in exchange for a confederate of whom I can never be 

But here again comes in the difference between an alliance 
and a confederation of States, and Bismarck's doubts would 
sink into the background if the attempt succeeded to settle the 
inter-relations of the German States on a lasting and definite 

Here we have a problem which I have not yet been able to 


solve, but the solution of which I look upon as a necessity, as 
something that must be faced. 

The only question is: Does Prussia prefer the inevitable war 
with France, with all its risks, to the incorporation of South 
Germany with the Northern League? In other words: Does 
Prussia forego crossing the Main to secure the counter-balancing 
advantage of the permanent consolidation of her present power? 
If so, the question is merely one of the formulation of a draft 
project of confederation. If, on the other hand, Prussia will not, 
or cannot, go back on her present policy, she will not consent 
to a step which makes that act of self-denial a sine qua non. 

Still, in these matters Count Bismarck is a less trustworthy 
guide than public opinion, and especially opinion in the camp 
of the National Liberal party. I would therefore beg you to 
follow attentively the utterances of these circles before you engage 
in any conversation, no matter how general, with Bismarck or 
other official personages. 

So long as the Prussian people, and the National Liberal 
party that leads it, is ready to stake anything and everything 
rather than stop short on its way to the lordship "of the eagle 
from crag to sea," * so long will Bismarck embark on nothing 
fresh, so long is no change of policy to be counted on. 

In the meantime I mean to work out the matter theoretically, 
so as to be secured against all eventualities. Consul Schwab 
writes that war in France is a certainty, and that it will break 
out in January. I do not share this apprehension, but I do fear 
that the war is inevitable if only on the occurrence of some 
opportunity favourable to the French unless this establishment 
of a defensive Power in the heart of Europe should be successfully 
accomplished. . . . 

MUNICH, end of November, 1868. 

Yesterday was the baptism of the newly born Princess, f At 
noon I proceeded to the Palace in my dress-coat and white tie; 
uniform was barred, because the ceremony was to be en famille 
on account of the Princess Alexandra. 

There I found the Queen and the Royal Princes Otto, Ludwig, 
and Leopold, the Princess Ludwig, Count and Countess Trani. 

* Emanuel Geibel had about this time been deprived of the pension 
which he drew from the Royal privy purse, as well as his honorary profes- 
sorship at Munich, because he had greeted King Wilhelm of Prussia on the 
occasion of a visit paid by that monarch to Liibeck with a poem which 
concluded with the words: 

And may we hope, a last fond wish, 

That yet some day thine eye may note 
O'er all this Realm, at last made one, 

From crag to sea thine Eagle float. 

tThe Princess Elvira, daughter of Prince Adalbert and Princess 
Amalie, Infanta of Spain, born November 22, 1868. 


Both Princesses were in blue satin, trimmed with white fur. The 
Princess Alexandra wore a lilac jacket and hat. The baptism 
took place in the White Hall, which is before you come to Prince 
Adalbert's apartments; its arrangement as a chapel was in 
excellent taste. 

The Princesses stood on the left hand, the Princes on the 
right, the Princess Alexandra with Prince Adalbert before the altar- 
steps, which were covered with red cushions. The little Princess 
Isabella carried the taper. She looked very pretty with her 
red curly hair, and was evidently very proud of her office. Both 
of the Prince's sons wore Spanish Orders in miniature the 
elder the Golden Fleece, the younger the order of Charles III. It 
was shewn to me after the ceremony, when I was introduced 
to the children. Princess Alexandra replied to all the baptismal 
questions very fluently. Reindl, Dean of the Cathedral, 
gave a tactful address. The names of the little Princess are 
Elvira Alexandra Clara Cecilia Eugenie. Princess Adalbert 
does not like the name of Elvira, very rightly deeming it too 
theatrical, but Prince Adalbert thinks it very pretty. He said 
to me : "The mother is a Spaniard, so it is quite the proper thing, 
one daughter Isabella and the other Elvira." 

Chocolate was served after the baptism, and after a long 
circle, we were dismissed at two o'clock. 

At four o'clock was the funeral of Councillor of State Hermann.* 
His death is a loss. I found him an interesting personality 
because of his stimulating conversation. Dean Mayer gave an 
extremely interesting address, though I could not make out why 
he kept repeating with such particular emphasis the phrase: 
"The Lord of Sabaoth hath willed it, who will prevent Him! " 
Nobody thinks of doing such a thing, I presume. My idea is, it 
was because of the fine sound that he took the Lord of Sabaoth 
so often into his big mouth. 

At six o'clock there was a Council of Ministers, which lasted till 
eleven. Besides the question of the Catholic University, the 
reorganisation of the Upper House was minutely discussed. 
Senior made a remarkable speech against its enlargement by 
the addition of elected members. The other Ministers voted for 
such election, but were for modifying my proposal to this 
extent, that only two members should be taken in each district 
from the three hundred most heavily rated householders. These 
were to be supplemented by the representatives of the Univer- 
sities and the Academy, as also of the Polytechnic. In this 
shape the motion will most likely go through the Chamber. 
Minister Hermann will now lay the proposal before the King. 
The Senators are by way of introducing a motion of their own, 
but it will be better if we forestall them. 

By half-past eleven I was done with things at last. Anyway, 
yesterday was one of the most fatiguing for a poor Minister. 
* Political Economist and Statistician, died November 23, 1868. 


MUNICH, December 6, 1868. 

Yesterday Count Usedom came to see me on occasion of his 
return to Florence, and utilised his visit to make me a report on 
his proceedings at Florence during the year 1866. 

He began by assuring me that as early as 1865 efforts had been 
made from Florence to induce the Austrians to sell Venice. The 
Envoy, a certain Landau, had, according to him, met with much 
sympathy at Vienna in fact, even Count Mensdorff had shown 
himself not ill disposed; yet the affair had miscarried owing to 
the opposition of the Emperor and the military party, who held 
it incompatible with military honour to surrender Venice without 
righting. Usedom then used this to force the Italians into the 
alliance with Prussia, so as on the other hand to give effect to 
the Prussian plans in Germany with the assistance of Italy. 
Govone was sent to Berlin. Lamarmora, who was of the 
opinion that they might very well wait till the ripe fruit fell into 
the lap of the Italians, was against it. Usedom, however, urged 
that if Prussia went to war without Italy the result would be 
doubtful, and that, if Austria won, Italy could not then hope 
for the cession of Venice. This line of argument seems to have 
carried the day. So the alliance with Italy came to pass. 
Thus, while England and France were aiming at localising the 
war, Prussia, it appeared, was aiming at the invasion of 
Hungary by the Italians. Hence Bismarck's instructions 
and the famous Note Usedom drew up on them. Then it 
would seem he was disavowed by Bismarck, who could not endure 
him, Usedom, and who appears not to have had the official papers 
at Varzin from which he might have convinced himself that 
Usedom had acted in accordance with his instructions. 

On my asking what then had led Lamarmora to make the 
Note public, Usedom replied that it was a coup monte 
from France, to cause a split between Prussia and Italy 
and to make him impossible at Florence. But the Frenchmen's 
scheme had not succeeded, as the famous Note had only proved 
Prussia's straightforward intentions to the Italians. Conse- 
quently he had even received the most friendly communications 
from Italians of all sorts and conditions, and Lamarmora 's coup 
had failed. He declares Italian unity to be popular through- 
out Italy, says that nobody would wish to go back to the old 
conditions, and that the assertions at Rome to the effect that 
Italy will very soon fall to pieces, and so on, are lies. The French, 
he went on to add, made a great many mistakes: they treated 
the Italian Government as vassals, and distinguished themselves 
by their imperiousness and insolence, and thus they made 
enemies of the Italians. The Emperor depended upon the 
Clerical party in France, and for that reason is driven to adopt 
this policy towards Italy. Lamarmora was on the French side, 
because he wanted nothing more than the preponderance of 


Piedmont in Italy, the predominance of the Piedmontese party 
in Italy, but not the merging of Piedmont in Italy; it was the 
Kreutzzeitung party, he said, of Italy. The King of Prussia 
had been hard put to it by the alliance with Italy, as also by the 
war with Austria. His old legitimist proclivities had made it 
very hard for him to decide. But when he had once made a 
decision, he held to it hard and fast. 

On the German question, and regarding the relations of 
Prussia to Austria, Usedom expressed himself very circum- 
spectly. He listened very attentively to my exposition of our 
efforts in the year 1867 towards a more comprehensive con- 
federation of South Germany, in conjunction with the North 
German Confederation, and seemed to agree with me in think- 
ing that Prussia made a mistake in thwarting this plan by the 
conclusion of the Zollverein agreements. Now he supposed 
we must bide our time; you could not plough a field as long 
as the ground was frozen. 

His views on the North German question interested me. He 
said we are all agreed that a slice of territory in the north must 
be ceded, but to yield the claim to the military positions of Duppel 
and Alsen is out of the question ; however, the King is self-willed 
and makes difficulties. 

Of Bismarck he says that he is a fanatic for peace, and is by 
way of using all circumspection to give France and Austria no 
pretext for war. 

On my making some laudatory remarks on Hompesch, Use- 
dom stated that in June 1866 Bismarck pressed Italy hard to 
declare war on Bavaria. But he (Usedom) had prevented it. 

MUNICH, December 6, 1868. 

As Usedom wished for information on the question of the 
Anglo-Indian overland mail service, I went to see him to-day and 
gave him the particulars as laid down in the official documents. 
This led to our having another longish conversation. He showed 
me a letter from a Wurtemberg National-Liberal, pointing out 
that the National-Liberal party there ran the risk of losing ground 
hopelessly with the people if a reactionary domestic policy is 
pursued in Prussia. I answered that the injudicious lan- 
guage of the Minister of Justice Leonhardt,* and the pietistical 
tendencies of Miihler particularly caused offence here which 
he readily admitted. He thought, however, that the King would 
find it hard to make up his mind to dismiss these men. The 

*The Minister of Justice Leonhardt had, on November 30, on dis- 
cussion of the draft of the proposed amendments of the Prussian 
Law of Mortgage, expressed the hope that the new law would shortly 
become applicable to all the rest of Germany. If the law proved effi- 
cacious, it would be adopted for the North German Confederation, and from 
that moment to its introduction into South Germany a space of time 
would intervene which would be counted only by months. 


Minister of Public Worship was under the influence of his pious 
wife, and for that reason the Ministry over which he presided 
was nicknamed "the Adelaide Ministry." The woman was 
a regular busybody, and put her finger in every pie. Then we 
got to talking of the Ultramontane party, in which subject we 
were entirely agreed in thinking that its intrigues constitute a 
serious danger for the whole progress and development of the 
human race, and that the generality of people make too light of 
this risk. About Gustav and the intrigues directed against him 
he spoke with much special knowledge. 

Usedom had previously made the remark in the course of our 
yesterday's conversation that there was no little confusion preva- 
lent at Berlin on the precise discrimination of the powers of the 
Prussian as conflicting with those of the North German 
Confederation. He returned to the subject to-day. According 
to him the North German Confederation was positively ridiculous. 
You could not expect a Prussian to let himself be merged in the 
North German Confederation ; in Germany you could, but that was 
another matter altogether. When I told him there was still, as 
always, the old idea of an Emperor of Germany to fall back upon, 
he said yes, that was better; in that way the King of Prussia 
might be raised higher without the other Sovereigns having to 
be set lower. A proposition rather difficult of demonstration ! 
A propos, as we were on Bismarck, Usedom stated, as an example 
of how men could alter their opinions, that it was Bismarck who 
drove Manteuffel to Olmiitz. At that time Bismarck looked 
upon the Austrian alliance as the sole and only means of salvation, 
and continued of that opinion till, as Envoy of the Federal Diet, 
he convinced himself that this was impracticable. 

MUNICH, December 21, 1868. 

To-day Frobel was with me, having just returned from Berlin 
and Vienna. He told me he had found opinion in Vienna com- 
pletely changed. Whereas only last year everybody believed in 
the disruption of Austria, now self-confidence was again rife, and 
people again went so far as to demand specifically and definitely 
that South Germany must unite with Austria to prevent Austria 
being completely "Magyarised." No consideration need be 
shown, such is the general opinion there, to the minor German 
dynasties, as these had proved themselves hostile or useless. 
This is the feeling in German parliamentary circles. Ministers 
express themselves more circumspectly. Frobel had a conver- 
sation of some length with Beust, in the course of which he re- 
proached him with the attitude of the Suddeutsche Presse but 
calmed down after a while. Beust declares he does not 
wish to be mixed up with German affairs. But his manner 
made it evident that he did not honestly mean what he 
said. Speaking generally, Frobel says that opinion at Vienna 


comes to this that a peaceable solution of the German question 
is considered impossible. 

With Bismarck, Frobel had an interview lasting an hour. Bis- 
marck said he meant to maintain a passive attitude towards South 
Germany. The development of Germany might take another 
thirty years, and it would do no harm. It was a great develop- 
ment, and needed time. The Customs Parliament Bismarck 
hopes will lead to the further development of German relations. 
He spoke, also, of the year 1866, and thought that, even if he had 
been able at that date to unite all South Germany and German 
Austria with Prussia, he would not have done so, because in that 
case too many heterogeneous elements would have been thrown 
together, and no permanent arrangement would have resulted. 
He had nothing to say against the South German Confederation, 
albeit he allowed that by its means the renewed participation of 
Austria in German affairs was rendered possible, and from this 
difficulties might arise. As to any menace against South German 
independence on the part of North Germany, Frobel had noticed 
no symptoms of such a thing at Berlin. Our independence was 
threatened, he held, from the direction of Austria. A letter 
from a person at Vienna, who holds no political post, but is in 
relations with Beust, which Frobel has received here, shows that 
an understanding is projected at Vienna to our prejudice. 

MUNICH, December 31, 1868. 

The Austrian Minister, Count Ingelheim,* turned the con- 
versation to-day at the Thursday diplomatic reception upon the 
speech of Minister von Vambiiler,t and observed that it made an 
end of every hope of a Southern Confederation. I replied that I 

* Successor to Count Trauttmansdorff, who on November 14 had 
been received in farewell audience of the King. On December 12 
Prince Hohenlohe had received his credentials. 

t In the debate on the address in the Second Chamber on De- 
cember 18 and 19, Varnbiiler had said: "The union of the South German 
States which is demanded of the Government is nothing more nor less 
than the Southern Confederation. ... It is therefore not merely an 
understanding with the neighbouring States, but a definite political struc- 
ture. I ask then: Is such a thing possible? . . . You will agree 
with me that a political organisation to be at all effective must have certain 
powers. How, pray, will you determine these for your central authority, 
for your Parliament? Such powers cannot, at any rate, be inferior to 
those of the South German Federal Council, and it follows that the South 
German States must hand over to the Confederate body all those matters 
which are enumerated in the fifteen sections of Article IV. of the Consti- 
tution of the North German Confederation. In this connection you must 
bear in mind that Wiirtemberg and Baden must always be in a minority in 
the Confederate bodies as against Bavaria. . . . The whole population of 
Wiirtemberg would rise en masse against such an experiment. . . . When 
you take into consideration all the matters that must come to be dealt with 
by the Confederation, I feel sure that you would very soon come 
to the conclusion that, if ever we are to have such a condition of 
things, we would rather have it in common with Germany as a whole than 
with Bavaria. 


had read this without any sort of surprise, because I was familiar 
with Varnbiiler's views, and I equally well knew the tendencies 
of the people of Wlirtemberg, whose idea was to main- 
tain their autonomy at any cost. Without surrender of a part of 
this independence, however, the Southern Confederation 
was inconceivable. For this reason the scheme had little 
prospect of success in Wiirtemberg unless the plan were 
adopted of forming a South German Confederation of Republics, 
which was neither in the interest nor in accordance with the 
plans of the South German Governments.* Ingelheim now 
advised an understanding between the South German 
States, with the object of their mutually pledging themselves 
to take no further steps towards a rapprochement with Prussia. 
Only by such means could the danger of absorption by Prussia 
be warded off. I objected that such an understanding could only 
have a negative object, and ought to be made deliberately and 
after full consideration. The Peace of Prague stipulated the 
national union of the South German States with the Northern 
Confederation; this Ingelheim wanted to deny at first, but I 
was able to prove it him by reading out Article IV. of the Peace 
of Prague. 

Next I showed him that Austria had herself recognised in 
Article IV. the necessity of a new political organisation; conse- 
quently, that this was bound to be formed, and that we could 
not confine ourselves to a merely negative attitude without acting 
in contravention of the Peace of Prague. The union of the South 
German States in the form of a federation of States and its union 
with North Germany was not unfeasible, and therefore 
no agreement ought to be entered into which might by any possi- 
bility bar such an object. In any case, I should like to think 
over his advice. 

The Bavarian Minister at Karlsruhe, Freiherr von 
Riederer, had reported on January 15 that the Grand Duke 
Friedrich of Baden had on more than one occasion expressed 
the wish to enter into a personal exchange of ideas with King 
Ludwig as to the political situation of Germany. To this the 
following report of the Prince, dated January 22, 1869, refers: 

"Your Majesty has been pleased by a communication from 
your Majesty's secretary, to entrust to your most faithful ser- 
vant, the undersigned, the duty of expressing his opinion re- 
garding the wish referred to in the despatch of your Majesty's 
Minister at Karlsruhe, on the part of the Grand Duke of Baden 
to meet your Majesty. 

* The Wurtemberg Popular Party had included the Confederation of 
the South as part of their programme. Their representative, Karl Meyer, 
said in the debate on the address of December 18 and 19: "I believe, for 
my part, that by establishing the Southern Confederation we shall be 
putting no drag on the Republican development of Europe." 


"Your most obedient servant feels the more bound to 
describe such a meeting as favourable to your Majesty's in- 
terests, inasmuch as the establishment of personal and friendly 
relations between your Majesty and the Grand Duke of Baden 
will assist not a little in furthering the efforts of your most 
obedient servant to restrain Baden from a one-sided policy, and 
to lead her to assume a position more in harmony with the politics 
of the other South German States. The great change which is 
preparing in the opinions of the Baden population on this point 
seems likely to promote such an alteration in the policy of the 
country, and a meeting with your Majesty will give the Grand 
Duke of Baden confidence and courage to come into closer touch 
with that section of his subjects which looks upon the surrender 
of the national independence as a calamity. Your Majesty 
is aware that there are situations when it is not sufficient 
for a Minister only to move. The personal activity of your 
Majesty and your Majesty's meeting with the rest of the 
German Monarchs may well at this present crisis exert an 
important influence on the position of affairs in Germany, and 
enable Bavaria to take the place which the kingdom has a right 
to claim in virtue of its past history and its inherent strength. 
I pray your Majesty may not let the opportunity slip without 
taking advantage of it. 

"The undersigned would regard the meeting of your Royal 
Highness with the Archduke of Baden as an event fruitful 
in results, and would welcome it with delight. Since the Arch- 
duke has already paid a visit to your Majesty on the occasion 
of your assuming the Government, no obstacle on the ground 
of etiquette should stand in the way of a visit by your Royal 
Highness to Karlsruhe, indeed, for this very reason it is to be 
preferred to a meeting at some third place." 

Extract from a communication to PROFESSOR AEGIDI at Bonn* 

MUNICH, February 28, 1869. 

... I will not enter in the idle discussion whether the Peace 
of Prague and the Preliminaries of Nikolsburg leave the associa- 
tion of South German States as the only available means of com- 
ing into closer union with the North or not. I look at the matter 
only from the practical point of view. 

Any one who considers with attention the situation in 
South Germany will readily recognise the fact that the danger 
for Germany lies in the ever-growing estrangement between 

* Aegidi, whom the Prince had met in the Tariff Parliament, had 
sent the latter on February 7 a project for a South German Federation 
of States, the contents of which were in the main limited to the matter 
of defensive and offensive alliances, and sought to promote the question 
of the South German organisation merely by the formation of the 
" association" apart from any other considerations. 

VOL. i Y 


South and North. The tighter the bond is drawn which 
unites together the States of the North German League, the 
harder does it become for the native of South Germany to 
reconcile himself to the thought of a union with the North. 
The national antipathy of the South German races to the North 
German is a fact not to be denied. This antipathy, coupled with 
the dread of absorption in the Prusso- German unified State, 
has notably increased since the year 1866, while all the enemies 
of Prussia and Germany utilise this feeling to widen the breach 
day by day. So the South German States drift imperceptibly 
into a hostile attitude towards the North, and suppose any 
one of the catastrophes desired and furthered by the opponents 
of Prussia to occur, the risk grows imminent that Southern and 
Northern Germany will be permanently severed. To obviate 
this danger, it is necessary as soon as possible to have done with 
all provisional arrangements, and to set to work seriously to 
bring about the new organisation of Germany. 

But as things are now, this new organisation cannot be 
effected by the mere entrance of the South German States into 
the North German League. Whoever makes this his aim and 
object is only prolonging indefinitely the provisional condition 
of affairs, and thereby the present precarious position. But if 
such a provisional condition is admittedly fraught with danger, 
we must arrive as soon as may be at some form of arrangement 
which guarantees the South Germans the maintenance of their 
autonomy, their individuality, their kindly, cosy national life, 
if I may be allowed the expression, and at the same time makes 
their union with the North possible. 

Give the South Germans this guarantee, and they will gradu- 
ally become part and parcel of the great German body politic ; 
without it, never ! 

A South German Federation of States that should be some- 
thing more than a mere inter-State alliance, an association, 
at the head of which would be a common confederate adminis- 
tration it might be without a Parliament common regu- 
lation of military affairs and foreign policy, common manage- 
ment of internal communications, &c., that would possibly be 
the form of arrangement that would offer the South German 
States the guarantee just referred to, and at the same time af- 
ford Germans of the South a firm standing from which they 
could honestly and unreservedly extend the right hand of fellow- 
ship to their brethren of the North. Nobody likes to give his 
hand across a ditch, unless he has got a firm footing first on his 
own bank. 

Prince Hohenlohe had as early as November 1868 endeavoured 
to persuade the Baden Government to forego their proviso, that 
the South German Fortress Commission should come into being 
only after the conclusion of the liquidation proceedings. He 


was anxious to get the Fortress Commission into active opera- 
tion at once, and settle by diplomatic negotiations with Prussia 
the question of equipments in the fortresses, so that a fresh as- 
sembling of the Liquidation Commission would have become 
superfluous. Baden refused to consent. In spite of this the 
Bavarian Government persisted in its efforts to obtain, in anticipa- 
tion of the meeting of the Liquidation Commission, some guarantee 
at least that, when it did meet, the Prussian representatives should 
not demand a common control of the materiel. 

Some insight into the nature of these negotiations is afforded 
by the following draft of a communication to the Bavarian Min- 
ister at Berlin, which, according to a note in the MS., was sent 
off "in a modified form." It dates from the end of February 1869. 

"In reply to the inquiry I addressed on the i5th of the month 
to Count Bismarck through your Excellency as to what regula- 
tions Prussia would consider suitable as touching the erst- 
while movable property of the league, and on what views 
the Royal Prussian Government would proceed in its instruc- 
tions to its delegates at the forthcoming Liquidation Commis- 
sion, Count Bismarck caused a communication to be conveyed 
to me on the 28th inst. through the instrumentality of Freiherr 
von Werthern. This declares the willingness of the Royal 
Prussian Government to agree to the wishes of the South 
German Governments to allow the common ownership to con- 
tinue in such materiel as still remains from the days of the 
German Confederation in the Fortresses of Ulm, Rastatt, and 
Landau, but announces at the same time that the Royal 
Prussian Government, so long as the common ownership re- 
mains in force, considers it cannot forego a common supervision 
of the property. In this expression of opinion I find reasons 
for hoping that the compulsory redemption of the erstwhile 
property of the Confederation, a measure especially distaste- 
ful to the Governments of Wurtemberg and Baden, may 
be avoided, while at the same time I fail to see anything 
excessive or unacceptable from our point of view in the require- 
ment that the maintenance of the proprietary rights of North 
Germany shall be secured by means of mutual powers of supervi- 
sion. Moreover, the minutes of the agreement of October 10 last, 
which we at once laid before the Royal Prussian Government * 
say nothing whatever about excluding North Germany entirely 
from any co-operation; on the contrary, its co-operation, so long 
as the common ownership lasts, is expressly contemplated. 
Only as to the extent of this co-operation were the views of the 
Prussian Government so far unknown to us; and the fact that 
it was agreed by all parties that a Fortress Commission should 
be established, and should be charged not only with the 
supervision, but also with the actual control of the war material 

* Communicated by Prince Hohenlohe to the Prussian Minister on 
October 14, 1868. 


existing in the South German fortresses, could not fail to impose 
on the King's Government the duty of declaring at once that 
it was not in a position to assent to any such proposal in view 
of the minutes of agreement between the South German States 
dated October 10, 1868, in which a Fortress Commission of this 
nature was expressly excluded. 

"That the King's Government now deems itself bound to 
repeat this declaration is the effect of the report made by 
Freiherr von Freyberg, Major in the Royal Army, of a conver- 
sation which he had with Count von Bismarck, and from which 
it appears that his Excellency indicated as desirable a mixed 
commission, consisting of representatives from all States of the 
South that are interested parties, and such of these belonging to 
the Northern Confederation as are similarly situated, to be charged 
with the reinstatement and seasonable improvement of materiel 
in connection with fortification and artillery, and suchlike duties. 
I think I am justified in not regarding this in the light of 
an official proposal of the Prussian Government, but merely 
as an observation made in the course of a conversation on 
military matters as to what appeared desirable in the interests 
of military efficiency. All the same, his Excellency's words 
show to what sort of proposals discussions as to the management 
of the former property of the league may give rise, and prove 
the necessity of the request made to you in my despatch of the 
1 5th inst. to learn the views of the Royal Prussian Government 
before the meeting of the Liquidation Commission, so as to be 
enabled, even at this early stage, to indicate as unacceptable 
proposals which would be likely to prevent a successful solution 
of the task which that body has to perform. 

"I should mention in this connection that, when my despatch 
of the 1 5th inst. speaks of claims being avoided that might tend 
to loosen the tie still existing between the South German States 
and the North German League, I was only alluding to that 
particular tie which consists in the community of owner- 
ship in the erstwhile material property of the league. The 
defensive and offensive alliance existing between Bavaria 
and Prussia, and to which Count Bismarck appears to have 
supposed me to be referring, could not, at that time, have been 
in my thoughts, for the very good reason that from the point 
of view of the Royal Bavarian Government the compact of 
alliance was purely an act of foreign policy. Another proof 
how far from my thoughts was any notion that the regulation of 
common claims to the fortress materiel could exert any sort of 
influence on the compact of alliance is that in the agree- 
ment of October 10 last, which was likewise communicated to 
the Royal Prussian Government, it is expressly declared that 
the terms of the compacts of alliance should be in no way affected 
by the conclusion of an agreement as to the Fortress Commisson. 

"I am very far from admitting even the possibility that any 


occasion of domestic politics could disturb or endanger the agree- 
ment which exists for the mutual safeguarding of their integrity 
between Bavaria and Prussia. Whether the matter of the erst- 
while property of the league is settled to the general satisfaction 
or not, whether a common ownership between North and South 
Germany continues in force, or Bavaria should find herself com- 
pelled to a redemption of her share, in any case the Royal Bava- 
rian Government will loyally maintain the defensive and offensive 
alliance. The national community of interests created by those 
alliances in defence of the German soil stands in our conception 
so far above all doubt that discordant opinions on mere matters 
of detail cannot in any way imperil this firm bond of connection. 

"I am glad to learn from the communication of Freiherr 
von Werthern that in this respect Count Bismarck shares 
my view. Now, as regards the general principles on which the 
regulation of the common materiel in the fortresses might be 
based, Freiherr von Werthern's communication records the view 
that the Royal Prussian Government may be able to declare 
itself in agreement with the Royal Bavarian Government on 
this point, that the control of that materiel is not to be a control 
shared by the North German Confederation. 

"It would be more conformable to the views of the Royal 
Government if the control of the materiel lying in South Germany 
were handed over, not to the South German Territorial Govern- 
ments, as was agreed upon in the protocol of October 10 last, 
but to the Fortress Commission itself. It was only to meet 
the wishes of Baden that the Royal Government consented to 
the protocol taking that shape. However, whatever may be the 
final settlement of this regulation, the South German Govern- 
ments were at one in admitting that the North German Confedera- 
tion, as joint owner, must be allowed a share in the supervision 
of the common materiel. It should not be difficult to find a form 
under which this mutual inspection of the materiel stored in the 
erstwhile fortresses of the league might be conducted. I there- 
fore indulge the hope that the differences more or less apparent 
in the views of the two Governments may soon be removed, 
and would add further, that the most expedient course would 
most certainly be to let the Fortress Commission come into be- 
ing immediately an understanding has been arrived at between 
the South German States and the North German Confederation, 
whereby the participation of the latter, provided for in Article VII. 
of the Compact of October 10 last, in the supervision to be ex- 
ercised over the administration of the materiel in the fortresses, 
will be duly settled. 

"Meantime, I beg your Excellency to bring this despatch 
under the notice of Count von Bismarck. . . ." 

These negotiations with Prussia led to no result. In March 
1869 the Prussian Ambassador gave it to be understood that 


Count Bismarck, in any case, looked forward to an early con- 
vocation of the Liquidation Commission. On March 9 Prince 
Hohenlohe conferred by the King's command with Varn- 
biiler at Nordlingen, and the result of this interview was that on 
March 10 the Liquidation Commission was convoked for April 4. 

The Prince's remains unfortunately supply but little evidence 
of his frequent intercourse with Ignaz von Dollinger, which 
exercised such an important influence on the Prince's Church 
policy during the period preceding the assembling of the Vati- 
can Council. This intercourse was, of course, mainly personal, 
and only now and again in amplification of verbal exchanges of 
opinion were brief notes written. 

On March 23, 1869, Dollinger transmits the Prince the draft 
of the following circular letter of April 9. 

The circular letter, down to the concluding sentences beginning 
with the words "I have waited till now," was composed by Dol- 
linger. A French translation of the letter was written by the Prince 
with his own hand. 

Circular letter to the BAVARIAN AMBASSADORS of April 9, 1869. 

It may now be assumed with certainty that the General Coun- 
cil summoned by his Holiness Pope Pius IX. * will, if no unfore- 
seen circumstances intervene, actually meet in December. Un- 
doubtedly it will be attended by a very large number of .Bishops 
from all parts of the world, and be more numerous than 
any previous Council, and will, therefore, make a corre- 
sponding claim upon the public opinion of the Catholic world 
to be accredited, both itself and its decisions, with the high sig- 
nificance and authority which belong to an (Ecumenical Council. 

That the Council will deal with simple questions of creed, 
with matters of pure theology, is not to be supposed, for no such 
questions calling for settlement by a Council are at present extant. 
The only matter of dogma which, as I learn from a trustworthy 
source, might come up for decision at Rome by the Council, 
and for which the Jesuits in Italy, as well as in Germany and 
elsewhere, are agitating, is the question of the infallibility of the 
Pope. But this goes far beyond the domain of purely religious 
questions, and has a highly political character, because the power 
of the Papacy over all princes and peoples, even those in schism 
from Rome, would thereby be defined in secular affairs, and elevated 
into an article of faith. 

Now this question, highly important and pregnant with re- 
sults as it is, is pre-eminently of a nature to draw the attention of 
all Governments having Catholic subjects to the Council, but their 
interest, or rather, perhaps, their anxiety, must needs be still further 
heightened, when they see the preliminaries already in preparation, 

* By the Bull dated June 29, 1868. 



and the composition of the committees formed at Rome to carry out 
these. Among these committees is one in particular whose 
sole business is to concern itself with politico-ecclesiastical 
matters. So it is beyond a doubt the deliberate intention 
of the Roman Curia that the Council shall lay down, at 
any rate, some decisions on politico-ecclesiastic matters 
or questions of a mixed nature. To this may be added that the 
journal edited by the Roman Jesuits, the Civilta Cattolica, to 
which Pope Pius, by a personal brief, has given the weight of a 
semi-official organ of the Roman Curia, has quite lately 
indicated as a duty assigned to the Council to transform 
the damnatory judgments of the Papal Syllabus of December 8, 
1864, into positive decisions or decrees of the Council. Now, 
as these articles of the Syllabus are directed against several im- 
portant axioms of State organisation as this has come to be under- 
stood among all civilised peoples, Governments are confronted 
with the serious question whether and in what form they would 
have to advise either the Bishops subject to their authority, or, at 
a later stage, the Council itself of the perilous consequences to 
which such a deliberate and fundamental disturbance of the rela- 
tions of Church and State must inevitably lead. The further 
question arises whether it does not appear advisable that 
the Governments acting in common, perhaps through their 
representatives at Rome, should present a warning or protest 
against such decisions as might be taken by the Council on their 
sole responsibility without consultation with the representatives 
of the State power or any previous communication regarding 
politico-ecclesiastical questions or matters of a mixed nature. 
It seems to me absolutely necessary for the Governments interested 
to endeavour to arrive at some mutual understanding on this very 
serious matter. 

I have waited till now to see if any move would be made on 
one side or the other, but as nothing of the sort has happened, and 
time presses, I find myself compelled to charge your Ex- 
cellency to make this the subject of a conversation with the Gov- 
ernment to which you are accredited, in order to elicit information 
as to its ideas and views on this important question. 

Concurrently with this circular a request for an expression 
of opinion on the following questions formulated by Dollinger 
was addressed to the Catholic Theological and the Legal Faculties 
of the Bavarian Universities : 

"(i) If the clauses of the Syllabus and the Papal infallibility 
are elevated at the next Council to articles of faith, what changes 
would be introduced thereby into the teaching on the relation 
between Church and State, as hitherto treated in Germany practi- 
cally and theoretically? 

"(2) In the supposed case, would the public professors of 
dogma and of ecclesiastical law consider themselves obliged to 
establish as binding on the conscience of every Christian the 


doctrine of the divinely ordained authority of the Pope over 
Monarchs and Governments (whether as potestas directa or in- 
directa in temporalia) ? 

" (3) Would the professors of dogma and of ecclesiastical law 
consider themselves forthwith obliged to adopt in their instruction 
and their writings, the doctrine that the personal and real im- 
munities of the clergy are juris divini, and so come within the 
range of articles of faith ? 

"(4) Are there any universally recognised criteria by which 
it may be decided with certainty if a Papal proclamation ex cathe- 
dra, and so in accordance with the doctrine eventually to be estab- 
lished by the Council, is infallible and binding on the conscience of 
every Christian ? And if such criteria exist, what are they ? 

"(5) How far would the desired new dogmas and their in- 
evitable consequences exercise a revolutionary influence on the 
instruction of the people in Church and school and on the popular 
educational books (catechisms, &c.)?" 

On October 31, 1867, the Government had brought before the 
Chamber of Deputies the scheme of an Education Bill. The 
scheme of this Bill, even before the discussion in the Chamber, 
was the subject of intense agitation among the Ultramontane 
party, because it established principally the exclusive right of 
the State to the conduct and inspection of schools, except with re- 
gard to religious instruction, and, in place of the pastor as sole 
local school inspector, appointed a local board of inspection, on 
which the congregation, the Church, the family, and the educa- 
tional authorities were equally represented. At the same time 
the technical control of the instruction was handed over to district 
school inspectors. 

In these measures the Ultramontane party saw the separation 
of the schools from the Church and their secularisation. An 
address from the Bavarian episcopate to the King was referred, 
by a minute in the King's own hand, October 13, 1868, to the 
Minister of Public Worship "for careful and unbiassed considera- 
tion." The debate in the Chamber of Deputies lasted from 
February 15 to 23, 1869, and ended in the adoption of the Bill 
by a majority of 116 to 26 votes. Prince Hohenlohe took no part 
in the discussion. On February 26 the scheme came before the 
Upper Chamber, in which the Bishop von Dinkel was Reporter, 
and the President of the Protestant Upper Synod, von Harless, 
co-Reporter. Both of them were determined adversaries of the 
principal motives of the scheme. A letter from Dollinger to the 
Prince on April 15, 1869, is very significant of the political position. 
He writes : 

Your Highness will not accuse me of presumption if I take 
the liberty of supplementing my verbal remarks of this morning 
by a few written observations. 


While, as a true servant of my King, I put myself in the posi- 
tion of the Royal Government and consider the present position 
the division of parties and the impending elections, the following 
considerations present themselves to me: 

It is to the interest of the Government that, before the com- 
mencement of the elections, it should promulgate a conciliatory 
measure that would inspire confidence. Among the majority 
of the clergy (high and low), and principally in conse- 
quence of the Education Bill, the idea is widely spread that the 
Government, in the attitude it has adopted up to the present 
time, intends to damage and finally to ruin them. This view 
is greatly strengthened by the fact that no representative of the 
secular clergy was called in when the scheme was being discussed. 
If the Government were now to announce that, in consequence of 
the great differences of opinion which the proposed law has 
called into existence between the three factors of the Legislative 
Assembly, a fresh consideration of the scheme with the co- 
operation of the parties interested seems to be advisable - 
that is, on one hand the clergy, on the other the educational 
body and that the Government reserves the introduction 
of the matured Bill before the two Chambers of the 
new Landtag, this measure would give universal satisfaction, and 
in particular the majority of the clergy would observe a 
more calm and prudent attitude than, 1 fear, would other- 
wise be the case. Only the other day I heard, from a quarter in 
which I did not expect it, the wish expressed that the present Min- 
istry might be replaced by another. 

If the Bill should actually come under discussion in the Senate, 
the inevitable consequences are : 

(a) That all the passions will again be aroused. 

(b) That the Minister, Herr von Gresser, will be caught 
between the two Chambers, as it were between the upper and the 
nether mill stone, since he appears to be bound by the opinions 
that he has already expressed and the approbation that he has 
given in the Chamber of Representatives. He will probably 
find himself in opposition to a very great majority of the Upper 
House without a chance of coming to an understanding. 

(c) That the Government will be so unfortunate as to 
appear embarrassed in a question of the last importance; an 
appearance that will be avoided by making a voluntary concession 
and the announcement of a fresh revision. 

I leave everything to the judgment of your Excellency, and 

Your Excellency's obedient servant, 


At the sitting of the Upper House on April 19, 1869, tne 
discussion began. On that day Prince Hohenlohe delivered 
the following speech: 


"I must take leave to address the House in this general dis- 
cussion, because I consider it my duty not to be silent but 
to express my opinion openly on a question that has awakened 
the old opposition of parties in such a striking manner. 

"There are times and questions when one cannot remain 
neutral. Such a time is ours, and the subject of discussion is 
one about which every man who is called on to take an active 
part in public life is bound to give his opinion. About the 
necessity of reform in our scholastic system, it appears that 
opinions are not divided, whilst the views are divergent as to 
the best ways and means of carrying the reform into effect. 
As much as twenty years ago an eloquent member of this 
honourable House, who is still with us, indicated to us the drastic 
reform of our elementary school system as an indispensable neces- 
sity. On that occasion the honourable member said: 'I hope 
we shall finally get rid of the idea which was rather common in 
former days, that the prosperity of a State depends upon keeping 
the lower classes ignorant. Our enlightened Government will 
foster the conviction that danger may arise for the State, not 
through the education of the people, but through the opposite 
through lack of education ; and that the strength of the nation 
and with that national prosperity reposes principally on the 
intelligence of the people. Starting with this conviction, the 
Government will noi delay atoning for the sins of the past and 
submitting our scholastic system to the most thorough revision. 
By doing this it will remove a principal cause of the increasing 

"When I say that I agree most heartily with these words, I 
believe that I shall meet with no opposition from either side of this 
House. This exhortation was not the only one which was addressed 
to the Government through the Chamber. I will only remind you 
of the common decision of both Chambers in 1866, when the 
proposition of a School Bill on a Liberal basis was asked for.* 
The Government acceded to these wishes, and brought in a 
measure in accordance with the demands. Since then the dis- 
cussion has begun, first outside the House of Representatives and 
then in the Chambers. It is one of the advantages of consti- 
tutional life that questions which excite public opinion are 
thrashed out and made clear through the discussions of the 
constitutional representatives of the people, and that as a result of 
this tranquillity of mind is re-established. In the present question 
this was the case, and, if I am not entirely mistaken, the original 
antipathy to what people were pleased to call the 'Godless 
Education Bill' has given way to a less prejudiced view. 
The discussions of your committee also show, as far as the 
protocol will give information, that there is no passionate excite- 
ment among the honourable members, and the speeches of the 
two honourable Reporters give us a calm and unprejudiced 

* See p. 163 


criticism of the scheme under discussion. That much-aired 
grievance that the Church is threatened in her rights by such an 
Education Bill as the Government projected is less heard now, at 
any rate outside the Chamber, for whoever criticises the Bill 
impartially will gradually arrive at the conviction that the 
difference between the present circumstances and the proposals 
of the Government is not so great as was originally believed. In 
any case, the decisions of the committee and the declarations of 
the Lord Archbishop von Scherr go far beyond the scheme of the 
Bill and the existing conditions. These decisions are based 
partly on the fundamental determination to claim for the Church 
a preponderant, if not exclusive, influence on the popular schools, 
a determination that was very clearly expressed in the Brief of his 
Holiness Pius IX. addressed to the Archbishop of Freiburg (July 14, 
1864). At this point two opposite currents meet. For if the 
Church claims the unrestricted control of popular education, 
the State, on the other hand, cannot renounce its right to 
direct the education and training of the people. If we 
could indeed start from an ideal comprehension of State and 
Church, we should be forced to the conclusion that it could only 
be desirable for the State for the greatest possible influence on 
popular education to be left to the Church the dispenser of 
salvation and consolation, the great teacher of the human race. 
We are not, however, at an ideal standpoint, but on the ground 
of positive constitutional right, and by this alone can we be 
guided. This constitutional right is the expression of the idea 
of the modern State, as it has been evolved from the political 
life of the nation, and to this the Bavarian people will hold fast. 
I am well aware that the term 'modern State ' will be rejected 
in certain circles, but I know no other name for the State which 
is called upon to protect and care for our whole life as civilised 
beings and which has not compromised the Christian faith, but has 
advanced its interests, as the members of the higher clergy here 
present will confirm if I refer them to the tremendous manifesta- 
tion of Catholic sentiments which have taken place in recent times. 
The difficulty of harmonious co-operation of both powers, Church 
and State, lies, I venture to think, in the fact that declarations 
have lately been made which show hostility towards the State 
in the party at present in the ascendant in the Church. 

"I would remind you of the encyclical Mirari vos of Gregory 
XVI., which calls the legal establishment of liberty of conscience 
sententia erronea et absurda, a delir amentum an erroneous and 
absurd idea; a piece of madness. I would remind you of the 
encyclical of December 8, 1864, which reckons religious toleration 
among the damnable heresies. Finally, I would remind you of 
that article in the same encyclical which refuses to allow that 
the Pope could ever be the friend or ally of progress, Liberalism, 
and with modern civilisation. 

"When President von Harless spoke of revenants and evoked 


these revenants from the domain of the rationalism of a hundred 
years ago, I leave it to your consideration whether the expressions 
which I have quoted to you do not also belong to the category of 
revenants, and revenants, too, of a long-past age, and whether one 
revenant does not call up another. 

"I am, however, not at all inclined to submit these mani- 
festations to criticism. I wish to bring them to your notice 
merely to show that the fact of a divergence between those 
expressions and modern Liberalism not only exists, but exists 
side by side with the Bavarian constitutional rights. I 
have to remind you that the principle of liberty of conscience is 
proclaimed and guaranteed as a fundamental right of the Bavarian 

"The Constitution is Liberal; it is the product of modern 
Liberalism. It recognises expressly that 'advance towards 
what is better/ according to well-tried experience, shall not be 
excluded. These are the very words of the Constitution. 

"This contradiction, this fundamental divergence of con- 
ception, disturbs that harmonious co-operation of State and 
Church which I ventured to point out before as ideal. Under 
such circumstances, when the divergences were so pronounced, 
nothing was left for the Government when it proposed to intro- 
duce a School Bill but a compromise, or, as we are accustomed 
to call it, a modus vivendi. 

"This proposal has certainly the disadvantages of every 
compromise, but, as may be seen from what I have already said, 
a reconciliation of principles was not to be thought of. I am 
therefore of the opinion that we must at present content ourselves 
with adopting the scheme of the Bill in accordance with the 
proposals of the Government. The scheme contains many 
improvements which will benefit the congregation and the 
teachers, and I am convinced that it will not injure the Church. 

" My lords, in all times there will be found men yes, and 
they are the great majority who in the battle and storm of life 
fear to suffer shipwreck or who have already suffered it; men 
who take refuge in the sure haven of the Church in order to find 
there consolation, help, and redemption. Mankind needs this 
helpful, consoling, and conciliatory Church at all times, and the 
fifty-six school inspectors will not succeed in shattering her. 
Whether mankind also needs a militant and condemning Church 
the theologians must decide." 

The Education Bill was not passed by the Landtag, as an 
understanding between the two Chambers could not be arrived at. 

The replies agreed on by the Powers in April and May, relative 
to the circular of April 9, were communicated to Dollinger, who 
transmitted to the Prince the following observations: "How 
great the probability is that the proclamation of the Papal 


infallibility will be considered seriously by the Council the 
following will prove : 

" (i) The scheme has already been actively prosecuted for a long 
time. Rome, for about seven or eight years, when provincial 
and diocesan Synods have been held, has emphatically urged, 
and has also managed to secure, that the article on the Papal 
infallibility should be adopted in the resolutions or acts of these 

" (2) The two German Bishops, who have hitherto published 
their own writings about the Council, Ketteler of Mayence* and 
Fessler of St. P6lten,f both declared themselves in favour of the 
dogma being made afresh. Fessler has already been appointed 
Secretary to the Council by the Pope, as though by way of 

" (3) The fact that the Jesuits announce simultaneously in Rome 
and in Germany in the Civilta and in the Laacher Stimmen that 
the Council will make the new dogma, is very important, in view 
of the power and the organisation of the Order, and its wide 
knowledge of the world. 

" (4) Those who know the Bishops in the Latin countries know 
that the great majority of them in Italy, Spain, and even in 
France, adhere to the theory of the infallibility. This is imparted 
to them even in the seminaries as a fundamental article. Even the 
North American Bishops have already allowed themselves to be 
caught by means of a paragraph inserted in their Synodical 
decrees. Among the Italians, one hundred and thirty of whom 
may be at the Council, every one will presumably vote for it. 
Of the far-reaching import of the matter these Bishops I mean 
the Italian, Spanish, and a great proportion of the French have 
no conception. 

" Consequences of the new dogma of the infallibility of the Pope : 

" (a) The Syllabus of 1864 will be eo ipso an act of faith in- 
vested with infallible authority. 

" (b) The Pope is to determine by his own sovereign 
authority the boundary lines between Church and State. In 
subjects of various kinds the judgment of the Pope, which has 
become infallible, is alone decisive, and no successor can ever 
deviate from it. 

"(c) Paul IV. 's Bull, which orders every heterodox Prince 
to be deposed, &c., becomes dogma. (The Bull is called 
Cum ex apostolatus officio.) 

11 (d) The same with regard to the Bull Unam sanctam. 

" (e) As the Pope has declared the immunity of the clergy, 
which is now accepted everywhere as divinely ordered (Juris 
divini), this becomes dogma. 

* Ketteler, Das allgemeine Konzil und seine Bedeutung fur unsre Zeit, 

t Fessler, Das letzte und das ndchste allgemeine Konzil, 1869. Fessler 
was appointed First Secretary to the Council, March 27, 1869. 


" (/) In consequence of this every Bishop, and even every